Central African Army – Wikipedia

THE Central African armed forces ( make ) are the armed forces of the Central African Republic, created during independence in 1960. His lack of loyalty to the presidents was highlighted by the coups d’etat and the mutinies of 1996 and 1997. They were also criticized by Organizations promoting human rights because of its practices including murders, torture and sexual violence. They suffer from a lack of institution and depend on international aid to end the civil war .

Role of the army in the coups d’etat [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

The army played a predominant role in the history of the Central African Republic. Among the six Central African presidents who have followed one another since the independence of the country, four were former staff chief of the army who took power after a coup.

The first president of the country, David Dacko was overthrown by his chief of staff, Jean-Bedel Bokassa in 1966. David Dacko returned to the head of the State in 1981 before being overthrown, a few months later , by his new chief of staff General André Kolingba.

In 1993, Ange-Félix Patassé became the first elected president of the country but he also soon became unpopular with the army. From this opposition result the mutinies of 1996-1997. In May 2001, Kolingba attempted a coup d’etat without success and once again patassed must call on his allies in support. At that time, Libya and the Democratic Republic of Congo came to the aid of Patassé. A few months later, at the end of October, Patasse dismissed his chief of staff François Bozizé and tried to stop him. However, Bozizé fled to Chad and brings together a group of rebels. In 2002, he seized Bangui for a short period. In March 2003, François Bozizé took power following a coup.

Ten years later, on March 24, 2013, he was overthrown by Séléka, and replaced by Michel Djotodia. THE July 28, 2013 , after the Second Central African Civil War, the army took the official name of the Republican Army of Central African Republic (ARC) ^{[ 3 ]} .

Importance of ethnic groups [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

When General Kolingba became president in 1981, he challenges the recruitment policy of the administration based on ethnic groups. Kolingba was a member of the Yakoma tribe from the south of the country who composes approximately 5% of the population. During his mandate, the members of the Yakoma tribe benefited from all the key positions of the administration and constituted the majority of the army. It was the latter fact that had disastrous consequences when Kolingba was replaced by a member of a northern tribe: Ange-Félix Patassé.

The Central African army has been dominated by the soldiers of the Yakoma ethnic group since the Kolingba time. In fact, it was considered unfair to the two Patassed and Bozizé presidents from the north of the country. The latter two have equipped and managed their own army independent militias. The soldiers also proven their disloyalty during the mutinies of 1996-1997. Although François Bozizé has the support of the army (he was the chief of staff from 1997 to 2001), he kept the defense portfolio then appointed his son Jean-François Bozizé Director of the cabinet in charge of management of the Ministry of Defense. He also kept his old friend General Antoine Gambi as chief of staff. Due to the failure of the containment of the deep rebellion in the north of the country, Gambi was replaced in 2006 by another friend of Bozizé, of the Military Academy, Jules Bernard Ouandé.

Mutiny from 1996-1997 [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

Shortly after the 1993 elections, Patassé became unpopular within the army, not because of his inability to pay the salary of the military (partly due to poor economic management but also to the sudden cessation by France of sound Economic aid for soldiers’ salary), but because the majority of soldiers come from the same ethnicity as Kolingba, the Yakoma. During the mandate of Patassé, they were increasingly marginalized while Patasse created militias favoring his own tribe, the Gbaya as well as the neighboring tribes, the Sara and the Kaba. As a result of the army mutinies in 1996 and 1997 during which army fractions came into confrontation with the presidential guard (the presidential security unit or USP) and the loyal militias in Patassé ^{[ 4 ]} .

• April 18, 1996 came a first mutiny by 200 To 300 soldiers who proclaim that they have not received their salary since 1992-1993. The confrontations between the soldiers and the presidential custody lead to the death of 9 people and 40 injured. The French forces intervened in support (Operation Almandin I) and act as negotiators. The revolt ends when the soldiers finally receive their salary by France and the president agrees not to launch legal proceedings against the soldiers.

• On May 18, 1996, a second mutiny was led by 500 soldiers who refused to be disarmed and challenged the agreement signed in April. The French forces are once again called by Bangui (it is Operation Almandin II) and supported by Chadian and Gabonese soldiers. 3,500 foreigners are evacuated during the rebellion which causes the death of 43 people and injured 238. About a thousand foreigners are gathered for several days on the air base near the international airport, before being repatriated in particular by Airbus Airbus military ^{[ 5 ]} .

• On May 26, a peace agreement was signed between France and the mutineers. The latter have the promise of an amnesty allowing them to keep their weapons while their security is ensured by the French soldiers.

• On November 15, 1996, a third mutiny intervened and 1,500 French soldiers were sent to ensure the safety of foreigners present on Central African soil. The mutineers ask for the president’s resignation.
• On January 4, 1997, in the morning, two French soldiers (an officer and a non-commissioned officer) were murdered by the mutineers while they were in town negotiations (Bangui). During the night of January 4 to January 5, 97, at 1 a.m., the French forces, with commandos and combat helicopters (2 Puma Canon and 1 Puma machine guns) attack several districts of Bangui as reprisals and stop the rebellion.

On December 6, a negotiation process begins, facilitated by Gabon, Burkina Faso, Chad and Mali supported by the opposite parts which retain their initial complaint from the resignation of Patassé. In January 1997, however, the Bangui agreements were signed and French troops were replaced by 1,350 soldiers from the Interafican Mission to Monitor the Bangui Agreements (Misab). In March, all mutineers benefit from an amnesty. The fighting between Misab and mutineers continue with a large offensive led in June causing 200 victims. After this final confrontation, mutineers remain calm ^{[ 4 ]} .

After the mutinies, the Patassed President suffers from a traditional “paranoia of the dictator” which causes a period of cruel terror executed by the presidential guard and the various militias present within the central African army loyal to the president, such as that of the Karako . This terror is mainly heading for the Yakoma, including 20,000 people fled during this period according to estimates. But this oppression also targets other parts of society. The president also accuses France, his former ally, of supporting his enemies and is looking for other international supports. When he strengthens his presidential guard (by creating Forsidir), Libya sends him 300 additional soldiers for his own security. When former President Kolingba attempts a coup in 2001 (which is, according to Patassé, supported by France), the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC) by Jean-Pierre Bemba coming from the Democratic Republic of Congo comes Help of Patassé ^{[ 6 ]} . The crimes committed by patassed militias and Congolese soldiers during this period do the case of an investigation by the International Criminal Court which writes that sexual violence appears to have been a main characteristic of the conflict, identified more than 600 victims of rape ^{[ 7 ]} .

Relations with society [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

The Assistant Bozizé forces, seizing power in 2003, are not paid as had been promised and begin to commit looting, terrorizing and killing citizens. Summary executions take place with the implicit government agreement. The situation deteriorates from the beginning of 2006 and the regular army and the presidential guard exercised regular executions, torture, murders, and other human rights violations. There is no possibility for the national judicial system to investigate these cases. At the end of 2006, estimates report 150,000 displaced. During a UN mission to the north of the country in November 2006, the mission had an appointment with a prefect who says that he could not maintain the law and the order on the military and the members of the presidential guard. The Central African army leads summary executions and burns houses. On the only road between Kaga-Bandoro and Ouandage, nearly 2,000 houses were burned, leaving nearly 10,000 people without shelters.

Failure of the army reform [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

The multinational force in the Central African Republic (FOMUC) and France assisted the government in army reform. One of the key priorities in the army reform was to diversify it ethnically. She also had to integrate the own rebellious group of Bozizé (mainly made up of members of the Gbaya tribe). Many of the soldiers Yakoma who left the country after the mutinies of 1996-1997 had since returned in the Central African Republic and also had to be reinstated in the army. At the same time, Bonuca holds seminars on subjects such as relations between the army and civil society. The 2012 and 2013-2014 conflicts ended the Central African regular army. The international mission to support the Central African Republic under African leadership and France took over to end the “Total bankruptcy of public order, the absence of the rule of law and interconfessional tensions” ^{[ 8 ]} .

Peacekeeping forces [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

Since the mutinies, many international peacekeeping missions have been present in the Central African Republic. There was a discussion on the deployment of a regional United Nations regional peacekeeping force both in Chad and in the Central African Republic. However, it was decided to consolidate the ineffective peace agreement in Darfur. The missions deployed since 1997 are as follows:

International peacekeeping forces in the Central African Republic

Mission name	Organisation	Dates	Largest size	Missions
Inter-African Supervision Mission for Bangui Agreements (Misab)	Burkina Faso, Chad, Gabon, Mali, Mali, Senegal Togo	February 1997 to April 1998	820	Check the application of Bangui agreements.
United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (minerca)	Him	April 1998 to February 2000	1 350	Peacekeeping and security; supervision of disarmament; Technical assistance for the 1998 elections.
United Nations Political Observation Bureau in the Central African Republic (Bonuca)	Him	February 2000 to today	Five military advisers and six police advisers to operate security reforms and to attend the implementation of national police training programs.	Consolidate peace and national reconciliation; strengthen democratic institutions; Facilitate international mobilization for national reconstruction and economic development.
Community of Sahelo-Saharan states (CEN-SAD)	CEN-SAD	December 2001 to January 2003	300	Set up and restore peace.
Multinational force in the Central African Republic (FOMUC)	Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC)	January 2003 to July 2008	380	Ensure the security; restructure the Central African army; Fight rebels from the northeast of the country.
European Union force (Eufor Chad-RCA)	European Union (EU)	In March 2008 in the Vakaga		.
Peace consolidation mission in the Central African Republic (Micopax)	Economic Community of Central African States (ECECA)	July 2008 to December 2013	2700	Ensure the security; Fight rebels from the northeast of the country.
International Mission to Support the Central African Republic under African leadership (MISCA)	United Nations (UN) Organization	December 2013 to today	6000	Ensure the security; restore order.

Chad [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

Chad has had an interest in the Central African Republic since it needs to ensure calm near its oil fields and the pipeline leading to the Cameroonian coast passing near the disturbed northwest of the Central African Republic. Before taking power, Bozizé formed his troops in Chad where they were trained and reinforced by the Chadians. President Idriss Déby actively participated in the capture of March 2003 (rebel forces comprising 100 Chadian soldiers). After the coup, 400 other soldiers were sent. Then, a support force including the 150 Chadian soldiers not belonging to the FOMUC, patrolled the border near Goré, in Bangui, and were present in the presidential guard. Since December 2013, 850 soldiers have been part of the international mission to support the Central African Republic under African leadership.

France [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

There has been an almost uninterrupted military presence of France in the Central African Republic since its independence. This presence being settled by agreements between the two governments. French troops have received permission to be based in the country and to intervene in the event of its destabilization. This was particularly the case during the era of the Cold War when French -speaking Africa was seen as the sphere of natural influence of France.

In addition, the country’s strategic position made him an interesting place for the establishment of military bases, more than neighboring countries. In fact, Bouar and Bangui were among the most important bases in France abroad.

However, in 1997, following the sentence of Lionel Jospin: “Neither interference, nor indifference”, France came to adopt new strategic principles as to its presence in Africa. Among these, there is the reduction of permanent presence on the continent and an increase in assistance with multilateral interventions. In the Central African Republic, the Bouar base and the Béal camp (housing at the time 1,400 French soldiers) in Bangui were closed with a view to a concentration of the French presence in Abidjan, Dakar, Djibouti, Libreville and N’Djaména and the deployment of a rapid action force based in France.

However, because of the country’s situation, France continues to maintain a military presence. During the mutinies, 2,400 French soldiers patrolled the streets of Bangui. Their official mission was to evacuate foreign citizens; However, this did not prevent confrontations between French and mutineers causing victims on both sides. The level of French engagement has led to protests within the Central African population, many taking sides for the mutineers and accusing France of defending a dictator at the expense of the popular will. Voices were also heard in France where some blamed French intervention in the protection of a discredited leader and completely incapable of exercising power and directing the country. After the mutinies of 1997, Misab, however multilateral force, is armed, equipped, trained and led by France. The Chadian, Gabonese and Congolese soldiers of the multinational force in the Central African Republic (FOMUC) also benefit from logistical support of French soldiers.

In October 2002, Operation Boali supported the implementation of the first African multinational force in the Central African Republic, the FOMUC of the Economic Community of Central African States (CEMAC). As part of the French Recamp Cooperation Program, which aims to help African armies themselves ensure the security of the African continent, Boali mainly assured support, administrative, technical and if operational, African stabilization in the Central African Republic, Fomuc, then micopax. She also ensured the operational investigation of the FACA units, the Central African armed forces, within the framework of bilateral defense cooperation between France and the Central African Republic.

The December 5, 2013 , by resolution 2127, the United Nations Security Council authorizes the “Deployment of the International Mission to Support the Central African Republic under African leadership (MISCA) for a period of 12 months” officially to end the “Total bankruptcy of public order, the absence of the rule of law and interconfessional tensions” ^{[ 8 ]} . The Misca is supported by French forces (Operation Sangaris), authorized to take “All necessary measures” .

Air force [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

The lack of substance almost made land force of the Central African army and with the exception of a Eurocopter AS-350 Ecureuil provided in 1987, the Air Force was almost ineffective. According to several sources, François Bozizé used the money he obtained from mining dealerships in Bakouma to buy two old Mil Mi-8 Ukrainian helicopters as well as a C 130 Hercules built in the 1950s and from the United States ^{[ 9 ]} .

The Air Force included, in 2012, 10 aircraft including 3 helicopters:

Amphibious force [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

This amphibious force was created by François Bozizé. It is called the second battalion of land forces and patrol on the Oubangui river. The administration of the sixth region in Bouali (mainly composed of members of the former presidential guard) was transferred to the city of Mongoumba, located on the river. The city has previously been pillaged by the forces of the MLC which crossed the river ^{[ ten ]} .

The Republican Guard [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

The Republican Guard (GR) was made up of people called a patriots who had fought for Bozizé when he seized power in 2003 (mainly members of the Gbaya tribe) as well as Chadian soldiers. They were guilty of many acts of violence on the civilian population such as acts of terror, assault and sexual violence.

Old groups and units [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

• Cover : The presidential guard, presidential security unit (USP) was in March 1998 transformed into a special defense force of republican institutions (Forsidir). Unlike the army (which is mainly composed of members of the Yakoma tribe located in the south of the country and who are therefore unreliable for the president from the northern regions), this unit is made up of northern loyal to the president. Before being finally dissolved in January 2000, this strongly controversial group feared for its terror and the troubled relationships of patassed with important international partners such as France. From its 1,400 members, 800 were directly reintegrated into the army under the command of the chief of staff. The remaining 400 men reformed the USP (also led by the chief of staff) ^{[ 4 ]} .

• L’ Presidential Security Unit (USP): The USP was Patassé’s presidential guard before and after the existence of Forsidir. When it was overthrown in 2003 by Bozizé, the USP is dissolved and while some of its soldiers are absorbed by the army, others seem to have joined the rebel group FDPC Pro-Patasse which fights the Central African army north of the country ^{[ 4 ]} .

• Patriots or liberators : they accompanied Bozizé when he took power in March 2003. They are now part of the Republican Guard with Chadian soldiers ^{[ 4 ]} .

• The Central Office for the Suppression of Banditry (OCRB) : the OCRB is a special unit within the police created to fight looting after the mutinies of 1996 and 1997. The OCRB was guilty of many summary executions and arbitrary detentions for which it has never been for follow-up ^{[ 4 ]} .

• MLPC militia : The Liberation Movement of the Central African People (MLPC) was the former political party of the Patassé President. His militia is already active during the 1993 elections but it was reinforced after the mutinies of 1996 and 1997 (in particular the Karako militia). The hard core of its members consists of members of the Sara tribe from Chad and the Central African Republic but during mutinies, it also recruited many young people from Bangui ^{[ 4 ]} .

• The DRC militia : The Central African Democratic Rally (DRC) is the party of General Kolingba when he was in power in the 1980s. His militia said he had camps in Mabaye and links with the former official “cousin” of Kolingba, Mobutu Sese Seko in the Democratic Republic of Congo ^{[ 4 ]} .

Former soldiers [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

A national commission for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration took place in September 2004. The commission was responsible for a program to implement the reintegration of approximately 7,500 former soldiers in civil life. These former soldiers had to benefit from education assistance.

References [ modifier | Modifier and code ]

http://www.globalfirepower.com/countries-comparison-detail.asp?form=form&country1=central-abrican-repriclic&country2=democratic-republic-OF-the-congo&submit=comarereria

external links [ modifier | Modifier and code ]