[{"@context":"http:\/\/schema.org\/","@type":"BlogPosting","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/empire-neo-babylonian-wikipedia\/#BlogPosting","mainEntityOfPage":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/empire-neo-babylonian-wikipedia\/","headline":"Empire Neo-babylonian \u2014 Wikipedia","name":"Empire Neo-babylonian \u2014 Wikipedia","description":"before-content-x4 L’ Neo-Babylonian Empire (formerly and sometimes again Chaldean Empire [ first ] ) corresponds to a period in the","datePublished":"2021-02-27","dateModified":"2021-02-27","author":{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/author\/lordneo\/#Person","name":"lordneo","url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/author\/lordneo\/","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/44a4cee54c4c053e967fe3e7d054edd4?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/44a4cee54c4c053e967fe3e7d054edd4?s=96&d=mm&r=g","height":96,"width":96}},"publisher":{"@type":"Organization","name":"Enzyklop\u00e4die","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/wiki4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/08\/download.jpg","url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/wiki4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/08\/download.jpg","width":600,"height":60}},"image":{"@type":"ImageObject","@id":"https:\/\/upload.wikimedia.org\/wikipedia\/commons\/thumb\/d\/d1\/Ishtar_gate_Pergamon_Museum.JPG\/200px-Ishtar_gate_Pergamon_Museum.JPG","url":"https:\/\/upload.wikimedia.org\/wikipedia\/commons\/thumb\/d\/d1\/Ishtar_gate_Pergamon_Museum.JPG\/200px-Ishtar_gate_Pergamon_Museum.JPG","height":"302","width":"200"},"url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/empire-neo-babylonian-wikipedia\/","wordCount":20741,"articleBody":"     (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});before-content-x4 L’ Neo-Babylonian Empire (formerly and sometimes again Chaldean Empire [ first ] ) corresponds to a period in the history of the Kingdom of Babylon between 626 and 539 BC. This era marks the summit of Babylonian power, constituting a real empire taking up the heritage of the neo-Assyrian empire which it has shot down and dominant the whole Middle East. In reality, this power appears to be above all the fact of Nabopolassar and his son Nabuchodonosor II, the kingdom collapsing twenty years after the death of the latter, under the blows of the Persian King Cyrus II, the founder of The Achaemenid Empire.        (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});after-content-x4Despite its brevity (87 years old), this period marks the return of economic prosperity to Babylonia, carried in particular by the development of the agricultural economy, and an important cultural dynamism, under the auspices of the sovereigns. It is during this period that Babylon became a vast city with several monuments passed to posterity (its walls, its palaces, its ziggurat, perhaps its hanging gardens). It is also the period that left the Babylonian Empire the image of a conquering and even violent empire from the Biblical Stories.    Unlike the other periods in the history of the Babylonian kingdom, the memory of the period of the Neo-Babylonian Empire was preserved in posterior traditions, and it is from it that Babylon is renown. This image is notably forged by the accounts of Greek authors (Herodotus, Ctesias) [ 2 ] And especially the Hebrew Bible which relates the conquest of the Kingdom of Judah by the Babylonian troops and the deportations which follow, opening the period of exile, crucial in the formation of Judaism [ 3 ] .        (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});after-content-x4We must wait for the rediscovery of Mesopotamian sites by archaeologists from the middle of XIX It is century then the deciphering of the cuneiform texts which are exhumed there to reconstruct the history of the Neo-Babylonian Empire more precisely by ancient sources. The documentation comes largely from sites located in Babylonia itself: Uruk, Ur, Sippar, Borsippa, Nippur and Babylon [ 4 ] . The latter provided important documentation over the period, uncovered during excavations accomplished by the German teams at the start of XX It is century [ 5 ] , then by other teams more punctually later. It is a leading architectural documentation, since it is the largest site of ancient Mesopotamia to have been explored, even if a large part of its surface is still unexplored [ 6 ] . The textual sources of the period are similar to those produced for the other periods of Babylonian history: the vast majority of administrative texts produced by institutions (especially temples) but also families of notables, economic, legal or even epistolary , and school and scientific texts addressing religious, scientific or literary subjects [ 7 ] . Political history is partly reconstructed by the texts of ancient tradition (Greek and Bible authors), and especially by the royal inscriptions of neo-Babylonian kings (Nabuchodonosor II and Nabonides in particular) relating their deeds (monumental constructions, conquests )) [ 8 ] and historical chronicles reporting the facts arriving during their reign, year by year, such as the Chronicle of the fall of Nineveh which relates the destruction of the Assyrian Empire [ 9 ] and the Chronicle of Nabonides which reports the fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in front of the Persians [ ten ] . The archaeological documentation and the texts documenting the social, economic and cultural situation of Babylonia from 626 to 539 do not form an isolable unit of previous and posterior periods. Thus, many archive funds are straddling the period of the Neo-Babylonian Empire and the beginning of the Achaemenid Empire which succeeds it, as well as most buildings as well as the types of seals or ceramics [ 11 ] . Table of Contents       (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});after-content-x4From the Assyrian Empire to the Neo-Babylonian Empire [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Nabuchodonosor II conquests [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Contested successors [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Nabonide [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The end of the Babylonian Empire [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Administration [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Justice [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Army [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The capital, a reflection of the power of the empire [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Pebble and town planning [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Expansion of irrigated agriculture and exchanges [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Economic structures: temples, notable and dependent [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Family structures [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Exchanges: circuits and actors [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The deities [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Worship: places, actors, moments [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The literate environment of Babylon [ modifier | Modifier and code ] General on Babylonian civilization [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Studies on the Neo-Babylonian period [ modifier | Modifier and code ] From the Assyrian Empire to the Neo-Babylonian Empire [ modifier | Modifier and code ] While Assurbanipal (669-630\/627) brought the Assyrian Empire to its peak, its end of reign seems to see a beginning of loss of stability. His son Assur-Etil-Ilani succeeds him, but immediately his brother S\u00een-Shar-Ishkun, placed on the throne of Babylon to better ensure control, revolts while chasing Babylonia an ambitious former general general who had tried to Take power there. At the same time arose the figure of Nabopolassar, founder of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. The origins of this military leader are poorly established: perhaps he is a Chaldean, descendant of former tribal leaders, but that cannot be established with certainty. According to P.-A. Beaulieu his entourage is marked by the presence of Chaldeans and Aramaic, which justifies to designate his empire as “Chald\u00e9o-Aram\u00e9en” [ first ] . Its base seems to be the land of the sea, located in the far south of Babylonia around Uruk; Perhaps he was initially supported by S\u00een-Shar-Ishkun. Anyway, the latter then defeated Assur-Etil-Ilani and climbs on the Assyrian throne. Nabopolassar takes advantage of the situation to seize Babylonia, of which he is the master around 616 when he begins to lead his troops more north. It was then that Cyaxare, king of the Medes, joined forces with the Babylonian to destroy the Assyria. The Babylonian armies permanently repel the Assyrians to their country, while the mediums attack in the north. The big Assyrian cities fall one after the other: Assur in 614, then Kalkhu shortly after, and finally the capital Nineveh in 612. The last pocket of Assyrian resistance is eliminated at Harran in 609. The long conflicts between Babylona And Assyria therefore finally benefited the first, with the decisive help of the Medes, and the North Kingdom is definitively eliminated and replaced by its southern rival [ twelfth ] . Nabuchodonosor II conquests [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  The approximate extension of the Empire of Neo-Babylonian kings. After having shot down the Assyrian Empire, Nabopolassar, now elderly, entrusted the Directorate of Military Operations to his eldest son Nabuchodonosor [ 13 ] . He leads his armies in Syria to the battle of Karkemish where he defeated the Egyptian army and its allies. When his father died in 605, he returned to Babylon to assert his rights without having assured his domination over Palestine. When it becomes king, Nabuchodonosor II (604-562) lacks experience or ambition. He returns to the edges of the Mediterranean, and manages to have his hegemony recognized on the sovereigns of the kingdoms of Phenicia, notably Ashkelon, and also on the king of Judah, and also in the face of the ambitions of the Egyptians to the Levant. After a first setback, he strengthens his positions then won several decisive victories, including the capture of Jerusalem in 597. But the revolts persist, and several revolts supported by Egypt broke out after 589, and the Babylonians must carry out several difficult seats, including Once again that of Jerusalem in 587\/6, which ended in the destruction of the city and its temple, and the deportation of part of its population, and that of Tyr which takes thirteen years. The Egyptians suffered a decisive defeat in 568, and at that time Babylonian domination over the Levant is consolidated. Nabuchodonosor also led his troops in Cilicia, towards Arabia and faces revolts elsewhere, even in Babylonia. This monarch also extended the Empire of Babylon to its historic maximum. During all these years, he also undertook important sites in the major cities of southern Mesopotamia, continuing the work of reconstruction started by his father, and in the first place his capital Babylon, which becomes the most renowned of the cities of the ‘Orient, whose memory has moved to posterity. The end of his reign, which ends in 562, is poorly known [ 14 ] . Contested successors [ modifier | Modifier and code ] After the reign of Nabuchodonosor II, Babylon no longer finds political stability, because of too great conflicts at the top of power. These are already noticeable in a revolt that shakes Babylon in 594-593. The son of Nabuchodonosor II, Am\u00eal-Marduk only reigns two years [ 15 ] . He was murdered during a palace revolution led by Neriglissar. This last [ 16 ] was an influential man at the Court of Babylon. Having participated in military operations of the time of Nabuchodonosor II, he held the function of simmagir , was governor of a province in the East, and was also the son -in -law of the former king. He had little time to reign, probably because of his advanced age. However, he leads a campaign in Cilicia, and built and restoring some monuments in Babylon. When he died in 556, his young son Labashi-Marduk, grandson of Nabuchodonosor II by his mother, climbed on the throne. He was assassinated the same year of his enthronement by dignitaries of the court [ 17 ] . Nabonide [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  Stele representing Nabonides, in front of divine symbols. These are the two leaders of the revolt, Nabonides and his son Balthazar who take power [ 18 ] . Nabonides had long been an important character at the Court of Babylon, but he had unlike his predecessors no kinship with Nabuchodonosor II. He is probably quite old enough when he accesses power, and may have become king above all so that his son Balthazar succeeded him. However, he reigned sixteen years during which he encountered many difficulties. The palaces revolutions that shaken the royal court had little consequences in the Empire, which remained quite calm. Once in power, Nabonides does what a sovereign of Babylon is usually: he makes worship, renovates the monuments, and even leads a campaign in Cilicia. However, he seems to have been disputed, especially because of his religious attitude. By his mother, he has origins in Harran in high Mesopotamia, one of the two main places of worship of S\u00een, the god-moon, and he dedicates to the latter more admiration than in Marduk, which attracts him the hostility from the Babylon clergy. In addition, to solve problems in temple management, it increases state control over them, which does not help the situation. In this context of disputes, he left to carry out a campaign in Palestine, before settling for ten years in Tayma, Arabia, another great place of worship in the god-moon. The reason for this long exile is unknown, and various theories are advanced: power to power, religion, influence of Balthazar, etc. Anyway, it is his son Balthazar who actually governs Babylon during these years, without being king. If he also seems to have been a restaurateur and a builder, he inherited a reputation as a man who is not very clever in politics, and disputed. When Nabonides returned in 541, he reorganized his administration and ousted some influential members of the Court. But it is undoubtedly very criticized by part of the elites of the kingdom [ 19 ] . The end of the Babylonian Empire [ modifier | Modifier and code ] While Nabonides faced difficulties in his kingdom, another king, on the contrary, asserted himself: Cyrus II, king of the Persians, and which put an end to the Kingdom M\u00e8de in 550. Cyrus then continued a series of victories in Anatolia, And defeated King Cr\u00e9sus de Lydie, thus becoming a threat to the Babylonians. Arrived on the banks of the Aegean Sea, the Persian King changes direction, and seizes territories in Iran, Afghanistan, to the south of Central Asia and the Indus valley. In barely ten years, he built an empire larger than all those who had preceded him. Despite the precautions of Nabonides, who felt the wind turn and strengthened its northern lines of defense, the conflict which declared itself in 539 was a quickly settled case. To make sure not to fix anything, Gobryas\/Ugbaru, Babylonian governor of the Gutium (Border Province of Persia), rallied to the invader. The Babylonian army is beaten in Opis, Sippar goes to the Persians who then succeed in taking Babylon without long fights, perhaps on a helping hand led by Gobryas. Balthasar is apparently killed in these confrontations, while Nabonides is undoubtedly exiled in a province in eastern Persian Empire. In 539, Cyrus therefore seized the Babylonian Empire in some time, and extended his domination over the Mesopotamia and the Near East. It was the end of Babylonian independence, despite the fact that the new king presented himself as a new sovereign of the country, taking up the title of King of Babylon. He had indeed become the king of immense territory bringing together several nations, in which Babylonia occupied an important place, but was no longer the center [ 20 ] .  Location of the main cities of late Babylonia. Administration [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The organization of the Babylonian Empire is little known, but seems roughly identical to that of the Neo-Assyrian Empire that it replaced, especially since it had roughly the same borders as the latter [ 21 ] . At the top was the king, to whom the subjects had to take an oath of loyalty (the ad\u00ea , Assyrian heritage). The Babylonian kings are satisfied with sober titles, “king of Babylon” or the oldest king of “Summer and Akkad”, leaving aside the titles with universal pretension prized by their Assyrian predecessors, which are only taken up by Nabonides. It is possible that the first neo-Babylonian kings voluntarily left aside the arrogant and warrior rhetoric of the Assyrians seen as ungodly (in particular after the destruction of Babylon by Sennacherib), preferring to present themselves as devout kings [ 22 ] . The high administration of the Empire (central and provincial) is poorly documented, being known essentially by an inscription of Nabuchodonosor II, giving the list of “Greats of the country of Akkad” ( Rabba this mother akkadi ), which occupy loads in the court and in the provinces. The functions of these characters are ill -defined in the absence of palatial archives. Among the major dignitaries of the Court can be mentioned the “chef of the cooks” ( Rab smellm\u012b ), which can be linked to the management of the royal table, banquets and ceremonies, waved which seems to deal with agricultural affairs, including the areas of the Crown, the r\u0101b ka\u1e63iris , treasurer, the this pan , steward of the palace, or the Beab \/ rab \u1e6dijan\u1e2b\u012b royal guard [ 23 ] . The royal family is just as little known. Several girls from Nabuchodonosor seem to have an important role in the region of Uruk, where the royal family is from and where it seems to keep important areas, while princes are rather attested in the cities of the center of the Empire (Babylon, Sippar, Borsippa), which would be explained by the fact that they are associated with the exercise of royal power [ 24 ] . The provinces ( pove ) Babylonia were administered by governors, most often called ducks , or root , Shakin’s topics . The local administration is partly responsible for these governors, who must also share several prerogatives with other characters and institutions. Royal commissioners ( qb up ) are sometimes imposed by the king on certain administrations, including that of temples. There are still “mayors” ( hazannu ) cities and villages. The administration of large temples is difficult to dissociate from that of the cities where they are, because they contribute to their management [ 25 ] . “The seventh year, in the month of Kislimimu ( December 18, 598 – January 15, 597 ), the king of Akkad ( Nebuchodonosor ii ) mobilized his troops and walked to Hattu ( Syria ). He settled in front of the city of Yahudu ( Jerusalem ) and in the month of Addar, the second day (March 16, 597) he took the city; He seizes the king ( Joachin ), invests a king of his choice ( S\u00e9d\u00e9cias ); He took a heavy royalty (which) he brought back to Babylon. \u00bb\u00bb Babylonian chronicle reporting the first capture of Jerusalem by nabuchodonosor II troops [ 26 ] . Apart from Babylonia, the traces of Babylonian domination in the territories which were under its control are very tenuous. In certain places, there are governors appointed by the Babylonian power. In others, kingdoms like cities keep their own administration, and are considered vassals of the Empire. The situation can evolve over time: the kingdom of Judah retains its king until its second revolt under Nabuchodonosor II, who then installs a governor at his convenience, but of local origin [ 27 ] . The most obvious signs of a Babylonian grip in Assyria are a handful of tablets in Dur-Katlimmu, the inscriptions on the work undertaken in Harran by Nabonides, as well as the presence of a governor in Guzana (Tell Halaf) [ 28 ] . The Archives of the Temple of God Shamash in Sippar seem to indicate that he had land in the Khabur region, alongside other temples in Babylonia (those from Marduk to Babylon and Nab\u00fb in Borsippa), which could be from land distributions by royal power after the conquest of the region in order to establish its control over the region [ 29 ] . For the other regions, some inscriptions from Nabuchodonosor II were uncovered in the islet of Failaka in Kuwait and Lebanon (Nahr El-Kelb and Wadi Brissa); Others from Nabonides in Jordan (Sela ‘) and Tayma in Arabia where he resided for several years. The most numerous archaeological traces of Babylonian domination at the Levant are the strata of destruction following conquests; Apart from this, it is not possible to archaeologically define a neo-Babylonian period in these regions on material criteria [ 30 ] . This vacuum may be explained by the fact that these regions were in deep crisis after the conflicts having touched them since the Assyrian period and would then have constituted unattractive empty spaces for the Babylonian administration; In any case, she obviously never sought to enhance her peripheral provinces (unlike what the Assyrians were doing) and concentrated her efforts on Babylonia [ thirty first ] . Justice [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  Trial report concerning the possession of an Oblate, coming from Uruk and dated from the reign of Nabonides (539 BC). Louvre Museum. In Babylonia, local assemblies ( puhru ) made up of notables or ancients have a role in local life, especially as a court of justice, although other institutions, such as courses where royal judges, or temples have, have legal prerogatives [ 32 ] . The exercise of justice has therefore not changed substantially since the Paleo-Babylonian period: there is still a plurality of justice assemblies, where several judges assisted by scribes sit in a collegial manner. Several of them are led by royal administrators, appointed you have or fuck . A fragmentary tablet carries a text that looks like a neo-Babylonian law code [ 33 ] , but the sources concerning justice at that time and at the beginning of Persian domination were mostly documents of the practice (reports of trials and letters) [ 34 ] . They document different types of business (flights, embezzlement, ownership disputes, family affairs, inheritances, debts, etc.), and offer a living overview of the daily life of the Babylonians of this period. The trials have a similar course to those of the previous periods [ 32 ] . Most known sentences are pecuniary. There are few mentions of ordalia, body punishment or death penalty, apparently required in the event of adultery or crime of lese majest\u00e9 [ 35 ] . Army [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The Neo-Babylonian army is poorly documented. It seems to resume the characteristics of the Neo-Assyrian army, which is rather well known. The kings of Babylon may also have integrated Assyrian troops after defeating this empire. The troops are essentially based on arched infantrymen of arcs, spears and swords\/cutlas, grouped into hierarchical units, led last by the king and his relatives who oversee the body of officers ( the charri of this ). Military service is one of the services ( spring ) due to the king, who can materialize by an effective participation in the war or a contribution to equip the troops. Military tenures exist during this period, with the “arc lands” ( b\u012bt qa\u0161ti ), but their functioning is well known only for the Achaemenid period; Their holder is compelled to military service in person or through a substitute. The workforce of the temples is mobilized for the war, and equipped by the institution. Tribal populations are also mobilized [ 36 ] . War is a means for the Babylonian kings to obtain a tribute or booty, in particular rare products (metals, quality wood) or prisoners of war which are then given to the temples where they work as a slave. They also practice deportation, on a smaller scale that the Assyrians who moved populations in all their empire, since they only use it to establish new populations in Babylonia. However, it should not be assumed that Babylonian domination has been less brutal than that of their predecessors [ 37 ] . Even if the kings of Babylon did not retrace the destruction and deportations which they ordered as the Assyrians did, apart from the captures of Jerusalem we know several examples of such acts during their hegemony, in particular In Philistie, for example in Ashkelon, where the destruction of the city of 604 was spotted during archaeological excavations [ 38 ] . Like their Assyrian predecessors, their Levantine campaigns were accompanied by the realization of reliefs and inscriptions commemorating their warrior triumphs, for example at the Nahr el-Kalb (Lebanon) [ 39 ] . The capital, a reflection of the power of the empire [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  \u201cI made my royal magnificent remaining. Huge cedars beams coming from high mountains, thick wood beams Ashuh (Pin?) And cypress beams, I made the roof. Wooden leaves musukannu (a precious essence), cedar and cypress, boxwood and ivory, plated with silver and gold, thresholds and bronze hinges I placed at its doors. I put a frieze of Lapis-Lazuli at its top. I surrounded him with a large wall of bitumen and cooked bricks, high like a mountain; In addition to the brick wall, I built a huge wall of huge stones, coming from the high mountains and I rose its summit, high as a mountain. I made this house for wonder! For the wonder of all I filled with expensive furniture. Majestic, splendid and terrifying testimonies of my royal splendor were dotted [in this place]. \u00bb\u00bb The construction of the “North Palace” of Babylon commemorated in an inscription of Nabuchodonosor II [ 40 ] . The city of Babylon knows its peak under the Neo-Babylonian dynasty [ 6 ] . It is for this period that she is best known. Indeed, the Paleo-Babylonian levels are inaccessible because they are drowned under the water table and covered by the constructions of the I is millennium, and the medio-Babylonian levels are not better known [ 41 ] . It seems that the general framework of the Neo-Babylonian city is already in place at XII It is century, if we trust the topographic text The [ 42 ] . After its brutal destruction by Sennacherib, Babylon is refurbished by the last Assyrian kings and especially the first Neo-Babylonian kings, Nabopolassar and Nabuchodonosor II. It then reaches an area of 975 Hectares, unmatched in the ancient Near East, and is probably one of the largest cities in the world, illustrating the power and prestige of the Empire of which it is the center. Only a reduced part of its surface has been cleared, especially around the main monuments, but it was remarkable during the German excavations led by Robert Koldewey at the beginning of XX It is century [ 5 ] . Babylon has a coarsely rectangular shape (2.5 \u00d7 1.5 km), cut in half by the Euphrates, which could be crossed by a bridge, in the north-south direction. It is protected by a thick enclosure pierced with eight doors, the most famous of which is the door of Ishtar. In the neo-Babylonian era, it was doubled by an outdoor enclosure of triangular shape which extends on the left bank of the Euphrates, and measures more than 12 kilometers long. It is unclear whether the space it protected was inhabited beyond the inner enclosure, which concentrates the majority of the main monuments of the city. Several channels traveled the city. As the capital of the kingdom, Babylon housed several royal palaces. The “South Palace” and the “North Palace” were at the edge of the Euphrates, embedded in the northern wall of the interior enclosure. Only the plan of the first is well known: it is a vast trapeze of 322 \u00d7 190 meters and more than 200 pieces, organized around a succession of five courses arranged horizontally, that of the middle opening on the hall of the throne. The plan of the second palace, more recent, is poorly known. A bastion had been built on the edges of the river to protect the building from floods. North of the space protected by the outer enclosure was a third palace, nicknamed “summer palace”. As for the “Babylon hanging gardens”, they could not be spotted during excavations, and their origin may be looking for in the Assyrian capitals rather than in Babylon [ 43 ] .  “World Card” representing Babylon in the center of it, VII It is century of. J.-C. The capital of the Empire is also a holy city, with many sanctuaries dedicated to the main deities of Mesopotamia. The great temple of Babylon is Esagil, dedicated to the Marduk God and his nearby entourage, including his par\u00e9dre Zarpanitu [ 44 ] . Protected by an enclosure delimiting the sacred space, it is particularly large (89.50 \u00d7 79.30 meters), but only the “saint des saints” and the adjacent pieces were uncovered. To the north, another enclosure surrounded Etemenanki, the ziggurat which was associated with ESAGIL, a square base 91 meters side, which is undoubtedly at the origin of the myth of the Tower of Babel. Its appearance and dimensions are described in the ESAGIL tablet , undoubtedly written towards the Neo-Babylonian period [ 45 ] . This group of buildings was the culmination of the “processional route”, the main artery of the city which passed through the door of Ishtar and served as a journey to religious processions, especially during the big party- akitic which took place in the New Year. The local clergy apparently managed to impose the vision that Babylon was the center of the world, where the Marduk god had created the earth, as illustrated by a neo-Babylonian tablet on which a world map as it was then designed [ forty six ] . This ideology is taken up by Babylonian kings whose prestige benefits the cosmic role attributed to their capital. The big cities of Basse Mesopotamia also benefit from the patronage of the neo-Babylonian kings, which restore their main monuments, above all the temples which as usual are the subject of the longest inscriptions of foundation of the Babylonian kings. Several sanctuaries have been uncovered during excavations, whose state which is attested seems as well attributable to the Achaemenid period which is in direct continuity of the neo-Babylonian period [ 47 ] . By royal inscriptions we know that Borsippa is the subject of many attentions on the part of Nabuchodonosor II which restores its walls, its temples and its ziggurat. Work has been carried out in Uruk Eanna under the auspices of several Assyrians and Babylonian kings. Nabonides, a fervent devotee of the S\u00een Lune God, undertakes important sites in his sanctuaries of Ur and Harran. All the main cities therefore benefit from the riches of the kings of Babylon, even if it is the capital that benefits above all from their generosity, which contributes to its influence which continues even after the end of the kingdom as shown in the testimony of Herodotus . The chronological terminals of the period of the Neo-Babylonian Empire are set by military and political criteria, and do not reflect the developments of society which extend over a longer time.The Neo-Babylonian period is part of a period defined by historians specializing in the economy as a “long sixth century”, a period starting in the last quarter of the VII It is century of. J.-C. and ending in the first decades of IN It is century of. J.-C. As a result, the economic and social (and also cultural) aspects mentioned here also concern the first decades of the Achaemenid period. Pebble and town planning [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The increase in the population density of Babylonia is constant from the VIII It is century, with in particular the appearance of new villages and the growth of cities covering more than ten \u00a0hectares [ 48 ] . This repopulation is undoubtedly largely a consequence of the political and economic stability that the region gradually finds after the end of the reflux phase of the end of II It is millennium and the beginning of I is millennium. It is also linked to the will of the kings which deported peoples defeated in Babylonia where they install them in villages. This movement begins at the time of Assyrian domination, and continues under the Babylonian kings with the arrival of deportees or free workers, who came in particular from Syria, from the Levant, from Asia Minor [ 49 ] . An archive from the southern palace of Babylon documents the presence in the city of workers and mercenaries from these various horizons [ 50 ] . We find in the documents of the Achaemenid period of the agglomerations appointed according to the country of origin of its inhabitants: we thus find an Ascalon, a Gaza, a Qadesh, a Tyr, and also a “city of Judah” ( Upl-rushod ) Populated by Judeans deported to the time of Nabuchodonosor, of which there is an echo in the Bible. This last community is well known thanks to economic tablets of the Achaemenid period mentioning people of Judean origin recognizable by their name, since their activities do not distinguish them from other populations [ 51 ] . The main cities of Babylonia of this period then all have a very old story: these are in particular Babylon, Borsippa, Sippar, Nippur, Uruk, ur. They are organized around one or more monumental sectors, first The temple of the main divinity of the city, including in particular the ziggurat, a degree building overlooking the urban landscape. The official sectors are the subject of work undertaken by kings, and their organization is largely the result of planning, which also concerns the sector of defending and cited walls and major traffic axes (large streets such as the Babylon processional route, canals). The other districts are undoubtedly more generally the result of spontaneous town planning, resulting from many developments. The streets are generally narrow, the density of the building is strong. The residences are of various sizes, organized around a central space, as well as a reception room in rich houses, and rooms with various functions [ 52 ] . Expansion of irrigated agriculture and exchanges [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  Irrigation channel in current Iraq, Baghdad region. The neo-Babylonian period is marked by the development of agriculture, which continues on a pace no doubt more important than during the previous century. The Babylonian kings play a direct role in the agricultural boom by rehabilitating the network of channels, which had been left behind because of the political disorders of the previous centuries, and had undergone several changes in the course of the Euphrates [ 53 ] . The prosperity which is set up during this period is based on several factors: a more humid climate than at the turn of the I is millennium of. J.-C. , allowing the stabilization of the river system, a population and urban growth that accompanies these developments, then the end of conflicts in Babylonia even with the advent of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. The State also contributes to the consolidation of economic structures by various measures in addition to work on the channels: land concession, guarantee of the value of money, and large construction projects largely funded by looting products and Tributes from Assyria and Levant. Some historians such as Mr. Jursa do not hesitate to speak of economic growth for the long sixth century. It would be characterized by an agricultural boom, with in particular more qualitative productions, a larger share of the population working in non-agricultural activities, a boom in wage and monetized exchanges, a boom in consumption, supported on appearance of more dynamic urban markets, of a rich urban notability, among which are in particular commercial intermediaries able to ensure the marketing of products. This dynamic would cease to IN It is century of. J.-C. With the implementation of Persian domination, which would result in an economy more turned towards the exploitation of the resources of Babylonia, dominated by the Persian elites and the Babylonian agents at their service, which have less entrepreneurial inclinations [ 54 ] . Irrigated agriculture essentially concerns the two major crops which dominate in low Mesopotamia: cereals, above all barley, and palm-dattier (associated with vegetable crops) whose culture experiences an expansion in the neo-Babylonian period because substantial profits that it can bring [ 55 ] . Indeed, if cereal farming requires few investments, it has probably not made it possible to generate strong yields; The cultivation of the Dattier palm, which is more expensive to set up, seems, on the other hand, generate significant yields in the medium term. For historians with “modernist” views, this would explain the attractiveness of the latter in the eyes of private economic actors more motivated by the search for profit. The best irrigated land is the most coveted, and are subject to tensions between the different potential owners. It is also essential to have the workforce and operating equipment to exploit the land, which it does not seem to be missing. The plots known by descriptions and plans are often rectangular quadrangular in shape, and tend to lengthen considerably, with one of their two short sides bordering an irrigation canal. This perhaps results from a planning planning program, taking into account the competition for access to the channels that had to be offered to as many fields and peelars-garden-garden [ 56 ] . If demographic and agricultural development plays a driving role in this expansion, undoubtedly the influx towards Babylonia of looting and tribute products from the other regions of the Empire has led to the growth of the economic potential of it [ 57 ] . The economic development phase of the long sixth century is also marked by a development of exchanges, which is felt above all at the local and regional level with the emergence of urban markets and trade networks of agricultural productions to them [ 58 ] . Economic structures: temples, notable and dependent [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  The economic structures of the neo-Babylonian period operate according to a principle similar to that of previous periods, but notable developments are made in connection with the political and economic developments of Babylonia during the period of Assyrian domination then the establishment of ‘Babylonian Empire whose economic benefits are strong for certain economic actors close to royal power. The areas of the crown undoubtedly occupied an important place, but they are not documented. The domains held by the superior category of the Kingdom’s elites, the Babylonian “nobility” with the highest charges and dignities, but also remains very little known. The temples archives are however very supplied, with two major lots: that of the Eanna d’Uruk [ 59 ] et celui de l’Ebabbar they sip [ 60 ] , two of the biggest sanctuaries in Babylonia. The first had more than 10 000 hectares of earth, even if it appears that the entire domain was not exploited and that the practice of the Biennale fallow is taken into account [ sixty one ] . The sanctuaries still had their own administration for their economic activities, subject to the last use of royal power, which remains their main provider and place some of its delegates to the chief administrator of the sanctuary, the datam or Shang\u00fb [ 62 ] . \u201cNidient-bl sil, Administatter en cheff. datam ) of the Eanna, and Nab\u00fb-Ah-Iddin, royal officer responsible for the Eanna administration, appointed Nanaya-B\u00earesh, son of Gimillu, irrigator ( gugallu ) on agricultural land planted with palm trees owned by the lady of Uruk, conceded in administrative tenure ( bit ritti ) in Innin-Z\u00ear-Ibni, son of R\u00eem\u00fbt-Innin. Nanaya-B\u00earesh will have to pay the dates due to the royalty, as much as it has been estimated by the Eanna, in accordance with the estimate carried out by official Eanna estimators. The remains of dates diets that Nanaya-B\u00earesh will receive arboriculturalists, he will have to give them for cattle and sheep. \u00bb\u00bb The rental of a palm grove of the Eanna d’Uruk (535 BC)) [ 63 ] . The exploitation of temple domains could be done in different ways [ sixty four ] . Certain fields were attributed directly to dependents of the temple, generally oblates (see below), who were called “cultivators” ( IKKARU ), organized in plowing teams led by cultivators ( The Lord is two ), and which paid a fee ( send ) to the organization owner of the domain, fixed beforehand after an estimate of yields ( inappropriate ), which took place before the start of culture. The temple could also concede land on contract to small independent operators ( Arreshe ), which generally left half of their production. The operating system of the garden palm groves is different, as the operators (the Nukaribui , “Gardener”) are employees paid by the institution, under the supervision of an irrigator ( gugallu ), whether they are oblates installed by the temple or independent operators praising the earth. There were also fields attributed to prebendiers ( Rab Bane on the Sippar garden palm groves, praising prebendi lands called man ), whose productions were partly paid for worship offerings. Another land attribution system is known from the reign of Nabonides, the “general farm”, in which the field is conceded to notables against royalty, loads to the latter to highlight it with its own human resources and technical. This concerned more important areas than those conceded to small operators. The irrigation system was managed by an administration linked to the management of royal lands, led by the waved , steward of the royal domain, in which the waterways are integrated; at the local level it was managed by the gugallu which controls the state of the channels, the management of the distribution of water, and more broadly the cultivation of agricultural zones [ 65 ] . Regarding breeding, herd management was carried out very rigorously, according to a precise hierarchical system [ 66 ] . We kept the animals reserved for worship in the stables of the temple, while sheep were entrusted to shepherds who could bring them to graze very far, even in the region of the average course of the tiger. The texts also document private activities of families of urban notables, often designated according to a common ancestor, such as the descendants of the “blacksmith” ( Nappahu ) in Babylon. Mr. JURSA proposed to divide them into two groups or at least two main enrichment methods, always in connection with the institutions [ sixty seven ] . A first group is made up of prebendiers of the great temples, who owe above all their fortune to the detention of these charges of divine worship which allow to be conceded of land, income as well as dignity and to build up a solid social network , while being able to draw income from land properties. These would be kinds of “rentiers”. The second group constitutes a particular phenomenon of the neo-Babylonian period, which is seen in the growth of private archives which document us the often ambitious economic activities of groups of families (in the broad sense), would be real “entrepreneurs” [ 68 ] . Be that as it may, we see that this group is not very homogeneous by the activities it exercises (exploitation of areas on behalf of institutions, constitution of land heritage, taking tax, trade, loans, etc. ). What characterizes them above all is the presence of family archives often guarded for several generations, and the role of the head of the family who directs the affairs of the whole group. The most representative case for this period is the family of the descendants of Egibi, located in Babylon, which exercises various activities: trade in foodstuffs around the capital, loans, tax farm taking, purchases of urban and rural land properties which are then rented, purchases of slaves, etc. [ 69 ] Temples and notables employ a set of workers who have various legal conditions [ 70 ] . The big cleavage is the one who separates free men, called M\u0101r Ban\u00ea during this period, and the slaves (male arduous , female Amtu ). But other conditions of people that can be described as “dependent” or “semi-free” existed [ 71 ] . The best known are the “oblates” ( wide ) Temples, among which are free and non-free, who are people given to a temple by their family, with the obligation to work for the institution, generally as an agricultural or craftsmanship, against rations maintenance. This is a status of total dependence on the institution, which has a legal character, which can be related to serfdom. The slaves remained a possible, but really important labor force in the domains of temples and the crown, those of the latter ( Arad\/Amata ) apparently having a special status [ 72 ] . Private owners used above all at home, or sometimes entrusted them with more autonomous tasks, such as the management of an agricultural exploitation, an artisanal workshop, or even commercial missions, in which case the slave had to pay them an annual annuity called mandattu . The popular strata of Babylonian cities are a proletariat that is difficult to grasp in the documentation, many people renting their arms for urban or rural work [ seventy three ] . Family structures [ modifier | Modifier and code ] The basic unit of society remains the monogamous nuclear family, an essential economic and cultural structure [ 74 ] . At the time of the union which forms it, arranged between the household chiefs who are free men ( M\u0101r Ban\u00ea ), the family of the bride pays as in previous periods a dowry ( nudunnu ) – discussed in advance and sometimes fixed by contract – to the groom during the union, the counter -brief of the Paleo -Babylonian period disappeared from the documentation of this period, even if we still know cases where the wife receives a present ( biblu ) from the groom or his family. The husband can choose to divorce ( Mu\u0161\u0161ura , literally “release”) of his wife, generally on reasons of personal preferences, and he must then pay him financial compensation, sometimes by restoring her dowry [ 75 ] . On the death of the father, his possessions are divided between his sons, the elder taking an equivalent part of that of his cadets, unless the modalities of the inheritance were specified by Testament (which is an unusual case) [ 76 ] . Sometimes the heirs can receive a share before the death of the head of the family. The dowry constitutes the legacy of the girls. Sterile couples could adopt heirs, even if the adoption contract also serves to conceal economic and financial arrangements between people [ 77 ] , unless the husband takes a secondary wife to give birth. Exchanges: circuits and actors [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  Tablet relating to a long-distance commercial shipment, bringing products from Egypt and the Levant: “Lapis Lazuli” (undoubtedly Egyptian blue), metals (copper, iron, tin), dyes, alum, blue-blue wool, Resin, wine, honey, etc. Uruk, reign of Nabonides (551 BC). Louvre Museum. Trade in the Neo-Babylonian period is still dominated by major organizations that engage merchants ( Tamkar ), to sell the surplus of their production activities locally, above all crops (grain, dates) and livestock (wool), and to obtain rare products coming from afar [ 78 ] . They finance long -distance commerce operations (much less significant in volume than local trade), to obtain value products out of Mesopotamia or by having them buy on the markets of this region where they are already transported by other means. Above all, they are looking for metals (tin of Iran, copper of Cyprus, iron), the alum of Egypt, the dyes of the Levant, the wine of Syria and the high Mesopotamia [ 79 ] . Merchants seem to be independent of the institutions, and can therefore act privately, especially within commercial associations. The most widespread at this period is the contract his horses (“For a commercial expedition”), which sees one or more people bring capital, that an agent must make fruit, the profits being distributed in proportion to the initial contribution [ 80 ] . This type of association is found in the private archives of the period, in particular for the marketing of agricultural products at the local level. Families of entrepreneurs such as EGIBIs are indeed involved in routing and sale in the cities of foodstuffs produced in the surrounding countryside by peasants who do not have the means to sell them themselves. The contracts his horses can also be used for financial or agricultural operations. The deities [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  The Neo-Babylonian period sees the definitive affirmation of Marduk\/B\u0113l as the main divinity of the Babylonian pantheon. This God is promoted by royal ideology, which generally promotes the preponderant role of his great temple, Esagil, apart from the particular case of Nabonides which has a predilection for the S\u00een Lune God. We must not focus too much on the speeches produced by the sovereigns and their entourage, which can be out of step with the reality of popular beliefs that can be perceived for example in the names of people, often referring to deities. We thus note that the great old Mesopotamian gods remain very revered (even if their aspects can evolve), be it the Anu, Enlil and EA triad, as well as the celestial deities S\u00een, Shamash and Ishtar, or the god of the Storm Adad, the goddess of Gula medicine or the god of Nab\u00fb wisdom whose popularity increases sharply during this period, almost threatening the pre -eminence of her Marduk father. Ishtar is during this period the main female deity, with major places of worship in several cities (Uruk, Babylon, Akkad, Kish, Nippur), and having absorbed the characteristics of most of the old Mesopotamian goddesses (Ninlil, Ninhursag, etc. )) [ 81 ] . Worship: places, actors, moments [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  The cult of the Neo-Babylonian period takes up the traditional aspects of Mesopotamian worship. It is carried out in urban temples, dominated by the large sanctuaries most endowed with land and offerings, which then ends to present themselves as vast cultural complexes protected by a long enclosure delimiting a sacred space organized around a main temple, ziggurat and many outbuildings [ 47 ] . It is the Esagil of Babylon, Temple of Marduk, the Eanna of Uruk, temple of the goddess Ishtar which is the most documented in the cultural field [ 82 ] , Ezida de Borsippa, Nab\u00fb temple, Sippar ebabbar, dedicated to Shamash, or the Ekur de Nippur, temple of Enlil. The latter centralized the organization of the cult of other temples in his city, a situation which seems common in Babylonia during this period [ 83 ] . The staff responsible for the worship of the divinity consists of people with access to the sacred space of the temple who culminated in the u , holy place housing the statue of the tutelary divinity of the temple [ 84 ] . In the neo-Babylonian era, they are designated as erib bits , “(Those who) enter the temple”. In the narrow sense, this includes priests performing the cult service for the daily God, the specialists of rituals required in certain cases (exorcists, soothsayers, musicians), but in the broad sense we also include certain prebend trees that realize the meal Divine (butchers, but apparently not bakers or brewers) or those responsible for the clothes, ornaments and furniture of the divinity (goldsmiths, carpenters) [ 85 ] . The most important members of the cult staff presided over the temple assembly ( to China ), which could have administrative and judicial prerogatives. But the most important actor in Babylonian worship remains as in previous periods the sovereign, who can enter the sanctuaries, finances and organizes the restorations of the great temples, provides them in offerings, and participates in certain major rituals [ eighty six ] . Unlike the neo-Assyrians kings which mainly celebrate the construction of large royal palaces, the inscriptions of founding of neo-Babylonian kings emphasize religious constructions. At times, the cult staff was also mobilized for special rituals returning to regular or not intervals. The former are the religious festivals, the most important of which in the neo-Babylonian era is the party akitic of the capital which took place during the New Year, dominated by the figure of the great Marduk God, which joined to celebrate the statues of the other great deities of Babylonia. The king was the other main actor of this celebration, during which he confessed his faults before being given the insignia of royalty by the God, under the supervision of the clergy of Esagil [ eighty seven ] . It is therefore an essential ritual of the neo-Babylonian royal ideology. Many other festivals filled the cult calendar of the big cities of Babylonia. The literate environment of Babylon [ modifier | Modifier and code ]  The scribes continue to be formed according to the methods of the previous periods, and the cuneiform writing still seems to dominate in the neo-Babylonian period despite the fact that the use of the alphabetical Aramaic written on parchment is developing, especially in the administration where the scribes on tablets are associated with scribes on parchment (called Shepir ) [ 88 ] . At the higher level of the course, scholars are the “specialists” ( umman ) of a discipline of which they acquired the mysteries after a long training, involving the mastery of the Akkadian but also of the Sumerian. They always have a religious function: they are therefore exorcists ( complex ), Devines ( bar ), lamentators ( oven ), and also astronomers\/astrologers ( \u1e6dup\u0161ar En\u016bma is an en\u016bma ) [ 89 ] . They generally work in the great sanctuaries of Babylonia, in the capital or in Uruk, Nippur and Sippar. It is in these places that the learned Mesopotamian tradition survives, while it no longer exerts outside the limits of the country of the two rivers the radiation it had in the second half of II It is millennium. In a small room in the Shamash sanctuary in Sippar, Iraq archaeologists uncovered in 1985 a library of the Neo-Babylonian period, comprising about 800 tablets [ 90 ] . Like the other Mesopotamian libraries, the majority of tablets concern religious rituals, hymns, prayers and lexical lists, alongside some “literary” works (so Atrahasis and the Epica of creation ) and copies of old royal inscriptions. These are therefore the main types of learned literature attested for this period, which are often the culmination of an evolution of several centuries of tradition having seen the stabilization of “canonical” series, therefore a unification and standardization of classics Mesopotamian literature [ 91 ] . This concerns first of all the large series of lexical lists, especially the most important, Ha.ra = Hubtullu , composed of 24 tablets compiling different elements of reality (wooden objects, metal, clay, textiles, animals, stones, plants, toponyms, etc.). We also find the large divinatory series as En\u016bma is the Enlil which contains the basis of astrological knowledge or BaruTu For hepatoscopy. These are technical texts used for priests specializing in temples, but also works bringing together knowledge as an encyclopedic purpose. From this period, the major canonical series are increasingly the subject of comments and explanations, sometimes to seek the hidden meaning of the words or signs found there: esoteric knowledge develops. For the needs of worship, specialists also had access to hymns, prayers, and texts describing specific religious ceremonies taking place in temples, with the procedures to follow, the songs to sing. Besides that, myths and epics ( Gilgamesh epic , Epica of creation , Ishtar descent into hell , etc.) and texts of sapiential literature are only a small part of the works that have come down to us, and we do not know in what exact context they could be used, except for the case of the Epica of creation Recited during the Babylon New Year Day. The sciences are known by various tablets of this period (medicine, astronomy\/astrology, mathematics, etc.) [ 92 ] . Neo-Babylonian artists continue to carry out sculpted stelae in the continuity of previous periods. The cylinders of the period are very little inscribed, and their images bear witness to a certain Assyrian thematic influence [ 93 ] : A recurring theme is that of the fight of a hero, sometimes winged, which is about to hit a beast with a curved sword, but there are also scenes of sacred tree purification, or even rounds representing ‘Real or mythological animals that can take place endlessly. But the hoods are increasingly used during the I is millennium, and end up supplanting the cylinder seals that disappear in the second half of the millennium. The art of terracotta is widespread: many figurines and reliefs are made using mussels. The most common figurines represent deities, protective geniuses like Pazuzu and the “Dragon-Serpent” Mu\u0161u\u0161\u0161u , but also naked women, men carrying vases, riders, boats, beds, tables and other furniture [ ninety four ] . These can be votive objects offered to temples, or objects with sacred function kept at home to ensure magical protection. We also know protective stone or metal amulets. For architectural decorations, neo-Babylonian craftsmen improve the technique of colored glaze, which they combine with that of bricks molded in reliefs to give the sumptuous colorful decorations adorning the Babylon Ishtar door and the two walls bordering the way processional (180 meters long) of this city, where the processions spent during the main religious festivals [ 95 ] . The sets notably represented lions’ friezes, animal-symbol of the goddess Ishtar, as well as floral patterns, to which were joined on the door of Ishtar the dragons symbolizing Marduk and the bulls symbolizing Adad. A similar decor adorned the throne room of the “South Palace”.  The Ishtar door reconstituted at Pergamon Museum. Nabuchodonosor II commemorative registration on the Ishtar door. Pergamon Museum. One of the glazing brick decorations of the walls of the throne hall of the southern palace of Babylon: palm trees, floral patterns and lions. Pergamon Museum. \u2191 a et b Beaulieu 2018, p. 224-225  \u2191 R. Rollinger, “The image and posterity of Babylon in classical sources”, in Babylon 2008, p. 374-377  \u2191 J. Garc\u00eda Recio, “The image of Babylon in biblical sources”, in Babylon 2008, p. 363-366. A. Cavigneaux, “The Judean exile in Babylonia”, in Babylon 2008, p. 366-368.  \u2191 Baker 2012, p. 928-923  \u2191 a et b J. Marzahn, “German archaeological excavations”, in Babylon 2008, p. 516-525  \u2191 a et b Various articles on Babylon at the period of its peak in Babylon 2008. See also (in) D. J. Wiseman, Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon , London, 1985 and a more concise synthesis in B. Andr\u00e9-Salvini, Babylon , Paris, 2009 (collection What do I know? ).  \u2191 (in) O. Pedersen, Archives and Libraries in the Ancient Near East , Bethesda, 1998, p. 181-213  \u2191 (of) P. R. Berger, The Neubabylonian royal inscriptions , Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1973\u00a0; (in) R. Da Riva, The Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions: An Introduction , M\u00fcnster, 2008.  \u2191 ‘ Translations on Livius \u00bb  (consulted the February 20, 2013 )  \u2191 ‘ Translations on Livius \u00bb  (consulted the February 20, 2013 )  \u2191 Baker 2012, p. 914-915  \u2191 Garelli 2001, p. 123-126; F. Joann\u00e8s, “La Strat\u00e9gie Des Rois N\u00e9o-Babylonens against the Assyrie”, in Ph. Abrahami et l. battles (dir.), The armies of the ancient Near East ( III It is – I is Mill. of. J. -C.) , Oxford, 2008, p. 207-218; Lafont et al. 2017, p. 778-779 and 782-785; Beaulieu 2018, p. 225-227.  \u2191 Wiseman 1991, p. 229-230. Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 88. Garelli 2001, p. 145-146. Lafont et al. 2017, p. 785-787.  \u2191 Wiseman 1991, p. 230-240. Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 88-89. Garelli 2001, p. 146-151. Read and “Nobuchheronia ii”, D\u03b7-All (Do) (2001, p. 554-556. Lafont et al. 2017, p. 790-792  \u2191 (in) R. H. Sack, Am\u0113l-Marduk, 562\u2013560 B.C.: A study based on cuneiform, Old Testament, Greek, Latin and Rabbinical sources , Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1972  \u2191 (in) R. H. Sack, Neriglissar, King of Babylon , Darmstadt, 1994  \u2191 Wiseman 1991, p. 240-243. Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 89 et 92-93. The 2001 gays, p. 151-152. Lafont et al. 2017, p. 813-816.  \u2191 (in) P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus, King of Babylon, 556-539 B.C , New Haven, 1989\u00a0; Id., \u00ab\u00a0King Nabonidus and the Neo-Babylonian Empire\u00a0\u00bb, dans J. M. Sasson (dir.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East , New York, 1995, p. 969-9  \u2191 Wiseman 1991, p. 243-247. Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 93-95. Garelli 2001, p. 152-154. F. Joann\u00e8s, “Nabonides”, in Joann\u00e8s (dir.) 2001, p. 549-552. Lafont et al. 2017, p. 816-829.  \u2191 Wiseman 1991, p. 247-251. Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 95-96. Garelli 2001, p. 153-155. Lafont et al. 2017, p. 830-831.  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 90-91. Garelli 2001, p. 155-157  \u2191 (in) P.-A. Beaulieu, \u00ab Nabopolassar and the Antiquity of Babylon \u00bb, Dans Eretz-Israel 27, 2003, p. 1\u20139.  \u2191 (of) M. Jobsa, \u00abthe neubababylon hoof ‘hoof\u00bb, DANS B. Jacobs it R. Rolinger (you.), The Ach\u00e4menidenhof \/ The Achaemenide Court. Files of the 2nd International Colloquium on the subject of “Near East in the area of \u200b\u200btension in classic and ancient oriental traditions”, Castelen Standard near Basel, 23.-25. May 2007 , Wiesbaden, 2010, p. 67-106  \u2191 (in) D. B. Wauegg, \u00abRoyal Women of the Neo-Babylonian period\u00bb, Dans Pans P. Gaeli (you.), The palace and royalty (archeology and civilization), sie 19 , Paris, 1974, p. 447-454. (in) P.-a. Beaulieu, ‘Ba’u-As\u012btu and augueders of Nebuchadnezzar II \u00bb Orientalia 67, 1998, p. 173-201.  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 917-918. See as well (in) P.-A. Beaulieu, \u00ab\u00a0Ea-day\u0101n, Governor of the Sealand, and Other Dignitaries of the Neo-Babylonian Empire\u00a0\u00bb, dans Journal of Cuneiform Studies 54, 2002, p. 99-123.  \u2191 (in) J. Briend and M.-J. Seux, Texts of the Ancient Near East and History of Israel, Paris, 1977, p. 140  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 91-92  \u2191 (in) J. Curtis, \u00abThe Assyrian Heartland In The Period 612-539 B.C.C. \u00bb, Da. G. B. Lanfranchi, M. ROAF it R. Rolinger (you.), Continuity of Empire (?) Assyria, Media, Persia , Padua 2003, p. 157-167  \u2191 (in) M. J.A CURSH LUXEMBOURG Wagends, “The Ester Sensci,” The Ester Sens Mnsin Mans M. M. M. Henchetnern the “Henchetnern founder”. E. Jones it ch. Woods (you.), Extraction & Control: Studies in Honor of Matthew W. Stolper , Chicago, 2014, p. 109-130  \u2191 Baker 2012, p. 927-929. Archaeological development for this region: (in) J. Zorn, \u00ab\u00a0The Levant During the Babylonian Period\u00a0\u00bb, dans A. E. Killebrew et M. Steiner (dir.), The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant: c. 8000-332 BCE , Oxford, 2013, p. 825-840. On the situation of Judah and Judeans during this period, see (in) O. Lipschits et J. Blechen’s Cash stop (you.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian period , Winona Lake, 2003.  \u2191 M. Liverani, The Bible and the invention of history , Paris, 2008, p. 317-320. (in) D. Vanderhooft, \u00ab\u00a0Babylonian Strategies of imperial Control in the West: Royal Practice and Rhetoric\u00a0\u00bb, dans O. Lipschits et J. Blenkinsopp (dir.), Ibid. , p. 235-262, for a neighboring observation, in particular on the differences between the strategies of Assyrian and Babylonian domination.  \u2191 a et b Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 918-920  \u2191 (in) M. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor , Atlanta, 1995, p. 143-1  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “Letters and neo-Babylonian trials”, in F. Joann\u00e8s (dir.), Make justice in Mesopotamia , Saint-Denis, 2000, p. 201-239  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 961-967 for a description of known crimes and crimes and sentences.  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “War and economy in the Neo-Babylonian Empire”, in J. Andreau, R. Descat and P. Briant (dir.), Ancient economy, war in the ancient economy , Saint-Bertrand de Comminges, 2000, p. 63-80; (in) J. Macginnis, “Mobilization and militarization in the Neo-Babylonian Empire”, in J. Vidal (dir.), Studies on War in the Ancient Near East, Collected Essays on Military History , G\u00f6ttingen, 2010, p. 153-163. B. Gombert, “Recruitment and mobilization in Babylonia of WE It is At IV It is siecle av. J.-C. , Din mating \u00bb, dans Abrahami et l. batters (dir.), Kakkkka rukusma (“Ceins your weapons!”) 2 It is Military history meeting of the Ancient Near East , International review of ancient military history N\u00b03-2016, p. 135-150.  \u2191 (in) P. A. Beaulieu, “World Hegemony, 900\u2013300 BCE”, in D. C. Snell (dir.), A companion to the ancient Near East , Oxford, 2005, p. 57-58.  \u2191 (in) L. E. Stager, \u00ab\u00a0The fury of Babylon: Ashkelon and the archaeology of destruction\u00a0\u00bb, dans Biblical Archaeology Review 22\/1, 1996, p. 57-69 and 76-7.  \u2191 R. Da Riva, “The Empire at war. Considerations on the military aspect of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty: the Nahr el-Kalb site in Lebanon “, in Ph. Abrahami and L. Battini (dir.), Kakk\u0113ka Rukusma (“Ceins your weapons!”) 2 It is Military history meeting of the Ancient Near East , International review of ancient military history N\u00b03-2016, p. 115-122.  \u2191 Translation of Babylon 2008, p. 235.  \u2191 E. Klengel-Brandt, “Material culture at the Paleo-Babylonian era”, in Babylon 2008, p. 58 and Ead., “Material culture at the Kassite era”, in Babylon 2008, p. 110  \u2191 (in) H. The H. Baker, “Urban form in The First Middle Domen.” button (you.) 2007, DIE LINE RESPOS (YOU) p. 75-76  \u2191 (in) S. Dalley, \u00ab\u00a0Nineveh, Babylon and the Handing Gardens\u00a0\u00bb, dans Iraq 56, 1994, p. 45-58  \u2191 J. Marzahn, “The sanctuary and the cult of the Marduk God”, in Babylon 2008, p. 168-171  \u2191 Image and description on the Louvre Museum website . (in) A. R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts , Louvain, 1992, p. 109-119  \u2191 (in) W. Horowitz, \u00ab\u00a0The Babylonian Map of the World\u00a0\u00bb, dans Iraq 50, 1988, p. 147-165  \u2191 a et b C. Castel, “Temples in the neo-Babylonian era: the same conception of sacred space”, in Assyriology and Oriental Archeology Review 85\/2, 1991, p. 169-187; J. Margueron, “semitic sanctuaries”, in Supplement to the Bible Dictionary Fasc. 64 B-65, 1991, col. 1205-1213; (of) W. Kuntner et S. Heinsch, “The Babylonian temples in the period after the Chaldeans”, Dans K. Kaniut et al. (to you.), Temple in the old Orient, 7th International Colloquium of the German Orient Society 11-13. October 2009, Munich , Wiesbaden, 2013, p. 219-259.  \u2191 (in) T. J. Wilkinson, \u00ab\u00a0Regional Approaches to Mesopotamian Archaeology: The Contribution of Archaeological Surveys\u00a0\u00bb, dans Journal of Archaeological Research 8\/3, 2000, p. 245-246 a fig. 4; Baker 2012, p. 916-917.  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 147  \u2191 (in) O. Pedersen, \u00ab\u00a0Foreign Professionals in Babylon: Evidence from the Archives in the Palace of Nebuchadnezzar II\u00a0\u00bb, dans W. H. Van Soldt (dir.), Ethnicity in Ancient Mesopotamia – Papers Read at the 48th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale – Leiden, 1-4 July 2002 , Leyde, 2005, p. 267-272.  \u2191 (in) R. Zadok, The Jews in Babylonia during the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods according to the Babylonian Sources , Haifa, 1979. (of) G. Wallis, “Jewish citizens in B\u00e4bylonia during the Ach\u00e4menid period”, dans Persica 9, 1980, p. 129-188. (in) L. E. Pearce, \u00ab\u00a0New Evidence for Judeans in Babylonia\u00a0\u00bb, dans O. Lipschits et M. Oeming (dir.), Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period , Winona Lake, 2006, p. 399-411. (in) L. Pearce it C. Wunn, Documents of Judean Exiles and West Semites in Babylonia in the Collection of David Sofer , Bethesda, 2014.  \u2191 Synthesis on town planning of this period in (in) H. The H. Baker, “Urban form in The First Middle Domen.” button (you.) 2007, DIE LINE RESPOS (YOU) p. 66-77  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “Water rights in recent Babylonia”, in Annals, History, Social Sciences 57\/3, 2002, p. 578-584  \u2191 (in) M. Jursa, \u00ab\u00a0Babylonia in the first millennium BCE – economic growth in times of empire\u00a0\u00bb , in L. Neal and J. G. Williamson (dir.), The Cambridge History of Capitalism, Volume 1. The Rise of Capitalism: From Ancient Origins to 1848 , Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014 , p. 24-42 .  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 107-109. (in) M. Jursa, \u00ab\u00a0The Babylonian Economy in the First Millennium B.C.\u00a0\u00bb, dans Leick (dir.) 2007, p. 225-227. Detailed study in (in) G. van Driel, \u00abNeo-Babylonian Agriculture\u00bb, Dance Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture IV, Irrigation and cultivation in Mesopotamia Part I , Cambridge, 1988, p. 121-159 et Id., \u00ab\u00a0Neo-Babylonian Agriculture, Part III: Cultivation\u00a0\u00bb, dans Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture IN, Irrigation and cultivation in Mesopotamia Part II , Cambridge, 1990, p. 219-266  \u2191 (in) M. Liverani, \u00ab\u00a0Reconstructing the Rural Landscape of the Ancient Near East\u00a0\u00bb, dans Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, 1996, p. 33-39  \u2191 Lafont et al. 2017, p. 846  \u2191 Jursa 2014, p. 33-35.  \u2191 D. Cocquerillat, Palmeraies and cultures of the Uruk Eanna , Berlin, 1968. (in) B. Jankovic Dans Jursa et al. 2010, p. 418-437.  \u2191 (of) M. Jursa, Agriculture in Sippar in Neubabylonian times , Vienna, 1995. (in) A. Bongenaar, The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar: its Administration and Prosopography , Istanbul, 1997  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 109  \u2191 (in) A. Bongenaar, on. Cit. is a major study on the administration of a neo-Babylonian temple. Syntheses in Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 112-114 and (in) M. JURSA DAX SUPPICK (YOU.) 2007, p. 228-229  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “Water rights in recent Babylonia”, in Annals, History, Social Sciences 57\/3, 2002, p. 589  \u2191 (of) M. Jursa, Agriculture in Sippar in Neubabylonian times , Vienna, 1995, is a fundamental study of the organization of the exploitation of a domain of Neo-Babylonian temple. Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 114-115 and (in) M. Jursa, \u00ab\u00a0The Babylonian Economy in the First Millennium B.C.\u00a0\u00bb, dans Leick (dir.) 2007, p. 225-226 for a synthetic approach.  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “Water rights in recent Babylonia”, in Annals, History, Social Sciences 57\/3, 2002, p. 587-592  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 110-111. (in) M. JURSA DAX SUPPICK (YOU.) 2007, p. 227-228. Detailed study in (in) G. van Driel, \u00abNeo-Babylonian Sheep and Goats\u00bb, Dance Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture VII, Domestic Animals of Mesopotamia Part I , Cambridge, 1993, p. 219-258 et (in) Id., \u00ab\u00a0Cattle in the Neo-Babylonian period\u00a0\u00bb, dans Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture VIII, Domestic Animals of Mesopotamia Part II , Cambridge, 1995, p. 215-240.  \u2191 (in) M. JURSA DAX SUPPICK (YOU.) 2007, p. 229-230  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 104-108 offers a summary on this group, designated under the name of “urban notability”. For (in) M. Jursa, on. Cit. , it is a kind of “bourgeoisie”, but he specifies that we must beware of the use of this term outside his true historical context. See as well (in) C. Wunde, \u00abNeo-Babylonian entrepreneuries\u00bb, D. D. LEWARDS, J. MOOKYR et W. B. Bacumol (you.), The Invention of Enterprise: Entrepreneurship from Ancient Mesopotamia to Modern Times , Princeton, 2010, p. 40-61.  \u2191 (of) C. Wish, The Egibi Archive I. The fields of une gardens , Groningen, 2000. (in) Ead., \u00abThe Egibi Family\u00bb, D2 DIFFECT (you.) 2007, p. 236-247  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 926-928  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “Rural dependence in Babylonia, VII It is – IV It is century of. J.-C. \u00bb, In B. Menu (dir.), Rural dependence in Egyptian and Near East Antiquity , Cairo, 2004, p. 239-251  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 103-104. Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 928-933  \u2191 (in) M. JURSA DAX SUPPICK (YOU.) 2007, p. 232-233  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 933-934  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 935-936  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 939-940  \u2191 Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 936-938  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 112  \u2191 (in) A. L. Oppenheim, \u00ab\u00a0Essay on Overland Trade in the First Millennium B.C.\u00a0\u00bb, dans Journal of Cuneiform Studies , 1967, p. 236-254. L. Graslin-Thom\u00e9, Long distance exchanges in Mesopotamia at I is Millennium: an economic approach , Paris, 2009 presents a general study on the functioning of long-distance exchanges at the neo-Assyrian and New Babylonian periods. See as well (in) L. Graslin-Thom\u00e9, \u00ab\u00a0Long-distance trade in Neo-babylonian Mesopotamia: the effects of institutional changes\u00a0\u00bb, dans J. C. Moreno Garcia (dir.), Dynamics of Production in the ancient Near East 1300-500 BC , Oxford, 2016, pp.167-186 read online  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 111. Oelsner, Wells et Wunsch 2003, p. 959-961  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 125-126 and 127-128  \u2191 (in) P.-A. Beaulieu, The Pantheon of Uruk during the Neo-Babylonian Period , Leyde-Boston, 2003 is a fundamental study on religion at the Neo-Babylonian period.  \u2191 (in) P.-A. Beaulieu, \u00ab\u00a0The Brewers of Nippur\u00a0\u00bb, dans Journal of Cuneiform Studies 47, 1995, p. 85-96  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 129  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 132-134. Garelli 2001, p. 297  \u2191 (in) Ce. When the Bogleger, Hea saume tembately \u00a3bra , Chrazi (The chwister.) sabthas, The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture , Oxford, 2011, p. 725-751   \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 131-132; F. Joann\u00e8s, “Ak\u00eetu”, in Joann\u00e8s (dir.) 2001, p. 20-22  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 134-135; P.-A. Beaulieu, “Scriptures and languages \u200b\u200bin Babylon I is Millennium BC. AD \u201d, in Babylon 2008, p. 312-313  \u2191 F. Joann\u00e8s, “From Babylon to Summer, the intellectual journey of the scholars of recent Babylonia”, in Historical Review 302, 2000, p. 693-717  \u2191 W. al-Jadir, “a library and its tablets”, in Archaeology 224, 1987, p. 18-27; Id., “Discovery of a library in the temple of the city of Sippar (Abu Habbah)”, in H. Erkanal et al. (dir.), XXXIV International Assiriology Congress , Crrai 34, Ankara, 1998, p. 707-715. Texts published in the journal Iraq , from (in) F. N. H. Al-Rawi, \u00ab\u00a0Tablets from the Sippar Library. I. The “Weidner Chronicle”: A Supposititious Royal Letter concerning a Vision\u00a0\u00bb, dans Iraq 52, 1990, p. 1-13  \u2191 Joann\u00e8s 2000, p. 135-140. (in) P.-A. Beaulieu, \u00ab\u00a0Late Babylonian Intellectual Life\u00a0\u00bb, dans Leick (dir.) 2007, p. 473-484  \u2191 M. J. Geller, \u201cBabylonian science at I is Millennium BC. AD \u201d, in Babylon 2008, p. 303-309  \u2191 (in) D. Collon, \u00abBabylonian Seals\u00bb, D2 Diffeck (you.) 2007, p. 110-121 Babylon, 2008 p. 222-223  \u2191 E. Klengel-Brandt, “Material culture under the Neo-Babylonian Empire”, in Babylon 2008, p. 173 Babylon 2008, p. 218-220  \u2191 J. Marzahn, “A metropolis of clay”, in Babylon 2008, p. 158-160 and Babylon 2008, p. 200-206  General on Babylonian civilization [ modifier | Modifier and code ] Bliss Andr\u00e9-Salvini (you.) , Babylon , Paris, Hazan – Louvre Museum \u00c9ditions, 2008 Paul Garelli and Andr\u00e9 The mayor , The Asian Middle East, volume 2: Mesopotamian empires, Israel , Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, coll. “The new Clio”, 2001 Francis Joann\u00e8s (dir.) , Mesopotamian civilization dictionary , Paris, Robert Laffont, coll. “Bouquins”, 2001 Francis Joannese , Mesopotamia at I is Millennium before J.-C. , Paris, Armand Colin, coll. “U”, 2000 (in) Gwendolyn Leuck (you.) , The Babylonian World , London and New York, Routledge, 2007 Bertrand Lafont , Aline Tenuous , Philippe Clarify and Francis Joannese , Mesopotamia: from Gilgamesh to Artaban (3300-120 BC)) , Paris, Belin, coll. “Ancient worlds”, 2017 (in) Paul Beaulieu , A History of Babylon, 2200 BC – AD 75 , Hoboken et Oxford, Wiley-Blackwell, 2018 (ISBN\u00a0 978-1-405-18899-9 ) Studies on the Neo-Babylonian period [ modifier | Modifier and code ] (in) Heather D. Baker, \u00ab\u00a0The Neo-Babylonian Empire\u00a0\u00bb , in Daniel T. Potts (dir.), A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East , Malden et Oxford, Blackwell Publishers, coll. \u00a0\u00ab\u00a0Blackwell companions to the ancient world\u00a0\u00bb, 2012 , p. 914-930 (in) Donald J. Wiseman , \u00ab\u00a0Babylonia 605-539 B.C.\u00a0\u00bb , Dans John Boardman et al. (you.), The Cambridge Ancient History, volume III part 2: The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. , Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991 , p. 229-251 Daniel Arnaud , Nabuchodonosor II, ROI de Babylone , Paris, Fayard, 2004 (in) Joachim Oelsner , Bruce Wells the Cornelia Wish , \u00ab\u00a0Neo Babylonian Period\u00a0\u00bb , in Raymond Westbrook (dir.), A History of Ancient Near Eastern Law vol. 1 , Leyde, Brill, coll. “Handbook of Orientalistics”, 2003 , p. 911-974 (in) Michael Jursa et al., Aspects of the Economic History of Babylonia in the First Millennium BC\u00a0: Economic Geography, Economic Mentalities, Agriculture, the Use of Money and the Problem of Economic Growth , M\u00fcnster, Ugarit publishing house, 2010 (in) Michael Jursa , \u00ab\u00a0The Neo-Babylonian Empire\u00a0\u00bb , Dans Michael Hallers et Robert Rollers (you.), Imperies and rich in world history. Part 1: Empire of antiquity, medieval and early modern empires , Wiesbaden, Harrasowitz Verlag, 2014 , p. 121-148 Francis Joannese , The fall of Babylon: October 12, 539 BC , Paris, Taillandier, 2022       (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});after-content-x4"},{"@context":"http:\/\/schema.org\/","@type":"BreadcrumbList","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"item":{"@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/#breadcrumbitem","name":"Enzyklop\u00e4die"}},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"item":{"@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/all2en\/wiki32\/empire-neo-babylonian-wikipedia\/#breadcrumbitem","name":"Empire Neo-babylonian \u2014 Wikipedia"}}]}]