Massimo d’Alema – Wikipedia

Massimo D’Alema
President of the Council of Ministers of the Italian Republic
Duration Mandate	October 21, 1998 – April 26, 2000
President	Oscar Luigi Scalfaro Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
Vice president	Sergio Mattarella [first]
Predecessor	Romano Prodi
Successor	Giuliano Amato
Vice -President of the Council of Ministers of the Italian Republic
Duration Mandate	May 17, 2006 – May 8, 2008
Contribution	Francesco Rutelli
Head of government	Romano Prodi
Predecessor	Gianfranco Fini Giulio Tremonti
Successor	Angelino Alfano
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Duration Mandate	May 17, 2006 – May 8, 2008
Head of government	Romano Prodi
Predecessor	Gianfranco Fini
Successor	Franco Frattini
President of the Copasir
Duration Mandate	January 26, 2010 – 15 Marzo 2013
Predecessor	Francesco Rutelli
Successor	Giacomo Stucchi
Vice -president of the socialist international
Duration Mandate	29 October 2003 – 29 August 2012
Chairman	António Guterres George Papandreou
Duration Mandate	11 September 1996 – November 7, 1999
Chairman	Pierre Mauroy
National Secretary of Democratic Party of the left
Duration Mandate	1 July 1994 – February 12, 1998
Chairman	German liglia tatò
Predecessor	Achille Occhetto
Successor	Abolished charge
National Secretary of Left democrats
Duration Mandate	February 12, 1998 – November 6, 1998
Chairman	German liglia tatò
Predecessor	Created charge
Successor	Walter Veltroni
President of the Left Democrats
Duration Mandate	November 6, 1998 – October 14, 2007
Predecessor	German liglia tatò
Successor	Abolished charge
Secretary of the Italian Communist Youth Federation
Duration Mandate	April 3, 1975 – 12 June 1980
Predecessor	Renzo Sing
Successor	Marco Fumagalli
Deputy of the Italian Republic
Duration Mandate	April 28, 2006 – 14 Marzo 2013
Duration Mandate	2 July 1987 – July 19, 2004
Legislature	X, Xi, Xii, Xiii, XV, XVI
Group parliamentary	Communist-PDS (X), PDS (XI), Progressive-Federative (XII), DS-L’ulivo (XIII-XIV), Pd-L’ulivo (XV), Pd (XVI)
District	XXI (Puglia)
College	Lecce (X and XI), Casarano (XII, XIII, XIV)
Parliamentary positions
The Commission (Justice) from 6 June 2006 (replaced by the deputy Silvia Velo) Vice -president of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Institutional site
Euro
Duration Mandate	July 20, 2004 – April 27, 2006
Legislature	WE
Group parliamentary	WHY
District	southern Italy
Institutional site
General data
Party	Article one (from 2017) Previously: PCI (1963-1991) PDS (1991-1998) DS (1998-2007) PD (2007-2017)
Qualification	Classical High School Diploma
University	University of Pisa
Profession	Journalist

Massimo D’Alema (Rome, April 20, 1949) is an Italian politician, journalist and writer, former president of the Council of Ministers from 21 October 1998 to 26 April 2000, first and unique with a past in the Italian Communist Party to hold this position as well as the first chief of government to have been born after the end of the Second World War.
He led two executives as Prime Minister in the XIII legislature (1998-1999 and 1999-2000), for a total of 553 days. He participated in a top of the G8 as head of the Italian government (25 ° G8, in 1999 in Cologne) chaired by the federal chancellor of Germany Gerhard Schröder. He decided to resign from the head of the government after the defeat of his coalition in the regional elections of 2000.

He was then Minister of Foreign Affairs and Vice -President of the Council of the Prodi II government (17 May 2006 – 8 May 2008).

At the party level, he was national secretary of the Italian Communist Youth Federation from 1975 to 1980, national secretary of the Democratic Party of the left from 1994 to 1998 and President of the Left Democrats from 2000 to 2007.

He has been a deputy for seven legislatures and several times vice -president of the socialist international.
Graduated from the Liceo Classico, from 13 March 1991 he has been enrolled in the register as a professional journalist. From January 26, 2010 to March 15, 2013 he held the office of President of the Copasir ^[2] . Hostile to the personality and political line of Matteo Renzi, he left the Democratic Party, which helped to found, to join Article One in 2017.

Since 2018 he has been an extraordinary professor of the course of “History of International Relations” at the Campus University link.

Childhood and education [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

He is the son of Giuseppe D’Alema, partisan Gappista, official and deputy of the Italian Communist Party, and by Fabiola Modesti (1924-2008). His paternal grandparents were originally from Miglionico, province of Matera. ^{[3] [4] [5]} He is married to Linda Giuva, Foggiana, associated professor of archival, bibliography and librarian at the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, and has two children, Giulia and Francesco.

Due to the work of his father Giuseppe, the family often moved from one city to another, not rarely very distant from each other (Genoa, Trieste, Pescara). The mother said that with her husband she decided to not impose anything to her son, especially in the field of religion, but that already at six years old “he was interested in everything and he liked it so much whatever he knew about politics”. ^[6]

In the first days of school he declared himself atheist and did not participate in religion lessons, starting a clash with the teacher, who, according to him, did every day “the usual Christian Democratic propaganda” and anti -communist. ^[6]

He never had difficulty at school: he did not make the fifth grade and was the first to the middle school exams. According to his mother, it was more for the angryness than for a great application, given that he did not study much on textbooks, preferring those he found at home and who read avidly, especially if of history. ^[6]

First political activities [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In Rome, in Monteverde Vecchio, he was enrolled in the pioneers (Democratic Association for boys and girls up to 15 years) with the children of Giancarlo Pajetta. When a party congress was held in that neighborhood, he was chosen – he was just nine years old – as a representative of the pioneers: the mother recalls that he wanted to write himself the speech and then knowing it better, and that he made an excellent figure, so much to do Tell Togliatti “You will understand, if this gives me so much this will make the way”. ^[6] According to others, however, the comment of the “best” would have been much darker (for the early political maturity of the pioneer): “But this is not a child, he is a dwarf!” ^[7] .

His political militancy began in 1963, when he enrolled fourteen years old to the Italian communist youth federation (FGCI). D’Alema has always been considered a “party of the party” ^[6] , because he grew up in a “party” environment: the PCI pervaded the life of the parents, numerous high leaders of the PCI were family friends and they knew him since his childhood, and later he traveled all the degrees of militancy.

In Genoa, a city where he attended the Andrea Doria classical high school and where the father was regional secretary of the PCI, he took care of organizing the student movement in his own school: for example, for the events against the war in Vietnam; But he also volunteered in the parish and participated in the editorial staff of the parish newspaper, as well as in religion lessons (despite being exonerated), always discussing a priest with the teacher. ^[6]

In Pisa [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

After obtaining the classic maturity, he moved in October 1967 to Pisa, admitted to attending the academic class of letters and philosophy at the Upper Normal School of Pisa, after ranks fifth on the admission exam.

Fabio Mussi, who was just behind him in the ranking and had a room next to his to his side. The two immediately made friends and participated together, in an eminent position, in the great disputes of the students of the Normal in that period: Adriano Sofri had recently been expelled, for having broken the very rigid rules of the college, which prohibited, among other things, the entrance of girls in the rooms.

After various occupations, the regulation was modified with the liberalization of accesses and the abolition of the overnight’s obligation and return to predetermined times. Subsequently, Mussi and D’Alema also risked the expulsion, from which they saved themselves thanks to the support of some professors and the commitment shown in the study.

Thanks to these experiences, the two entered almost immediately in the local management of the PCI (whose secretary, among other things, was a friend of D’Alema’s father) and organized many initiatives and demonstrations often risking prison and clashing with more radical elements of continuous struggle, which they considered D’Alema too aligned to the position of the PCI. ^[6]

D’Alema retired from the studies just before discussing the thesis, which should have focused on the work Production of goods by goods Economist Piero Sraffa, friend of Antonio Gramsci. According to the friend of the time Marco Santagata, D’Alema renounced it in order not to be suspected of favoritism, since the intellectual of the PCI Nicola Badaloni had become principal of letters and philosophy; ^[6] Certainly the political commitments made by D’Alema first at local level, in Pisa, and then, at national level, with the Secretariat of the FGCI were certainly significantly influenced in this choice; Shortly afterwards he entered the federal committee in the party.

On the occasion of the 1970 municipal elections he was elected to the city council and became group leader of the PCI. In this guise he was one of the promoters of the junta led by Elia Lazzari between July 1971 and May 1976, an unprecedented experiment supported by PCI, PSI, PSIUP and from a part of the DC to overcome a moment of stall and vote for the municipal budget.

With this, D’Alema conquered the attention of the party leaders and made the fame of aspiring heads of the party. ^[6] However, the disputes of his line did not lack, which caused great discussions: he was judged presumptuous and he feared his relationships with extremist movements. ^[6] Another obstacle were the moralist comments on his relationship free and open with a joy, recently known: an obstacle that was removed with a wedding celebrated on April 19, 1973 and ended a year and a half later ^[6] .

In 2013 D’Alema thus recalled the years around 1968: «I am part of the generation of the sixty -eight. We were anti -Soviet, but in the party there were people who had close relationships with the Soviet Union. They were deep personal and cultural ties, created during the war, an anti -fascist war. In the same party, for years, several political cultures have gone. Enrico Berlinguer understood what the true face of the USSR was. But the concern prevailed in him that a break with that world would lead to a crack in the party. This concern ended up slowing down the necessary renewal of the PCI. And so at the appointment with the story we arrived late ». ^[8]

Secretary of the FGCI [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In 1975 Enrico Berlinguer was looking for a successor for Renzo Imbeni at the helm of the FGCI, for which he wanted a new course: that he raised it from the decrease in members and brought it closer to the historical compromise line. ^[6]

The designated successor was Amos Cecchi, but his supporter Carlo Alberto Galluzzi was replaced in the office of supervisor of the FGCI by Amaeno Gerardo Chiaromonte, friend of the D’Alema family, who chose the future secretary between D’Alema and Mussi, finally opting – After an informal dinner with the two – for the first, which was also not formally enrolled in the organization as required by the statute: the choice of a stranger seemed to the members of the FGCI an act of strength and an attack on the autonomy of the organization.

At that time the motto of the FGCI was “to stay in the movement”: D’Alema tried to mediate between the extra -parliamentary left and the party to avoid a definitive break, initially without significant results. To give consistency to this test of dialogue, the weekly was created Future city , who came to sell 50 000 copies: he was directed by Ferdinando Adornato and hosted articles of people with more varied opinions, animated by Umberto Minopoli, Claudio Velardi, Giovanni Lolli, Goffredo Bettini, Marco Fumagalli, Walter Vitali, Giulia Rodano, Livia Turco, Leonardo Domenici: according to D’Alema “the latest generation of party paintings. There a human bond was formed […] that type of solidarity has not broken, even if we took different paths ». The newspaper closed shortly after.

After the kidnapping of Aldo Moro in 1978, the FGCI took the distances from the autonomous more, choosing to marginalize the terrorists. D’Alema, however, tried to recover part of the movement by continuing her mediation work: she had the opportunity to speak with Berlinguer, who was personally affected by the generational conflict, given that her son Marco Berlinguer had approached extremist positions: in a famous Speech in Genoa prepared for the breakdown of national unity, with a strong reference to young people, who “basically are our children”, even in exaggerations.
At the time there was the impression that Napolitano and Chiaromonte attributed this turn to the left to D’Alema, who, for punishment, was sent to Puglia as a press manager and propaganda. ^[6]

In Puglia [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

On March 19, 1980 D’Alema arrived in Bari, where he was welcomed by the local secretary of the FGCI, Renato Miccoli, with whom he would live for almost four years. As a first act as a press manager and propaganda he purchased the local TV television, also financed with concerts. Shortly afterwards he was promoted to the organization. As such, he participated in all the rallies, events and party meetings, to build a direct relationship with the base of the party and be independent of the rest of the management, which was hostile to him, considering his arrival a commissioner. ^[6]

His speeches were initially judged too cold, but soon learned the oratory techniques and conquered the base, so that when, after the bankruptcy of 1981 (won by the Christian Democrats), the regional secretary resigned, he was elected in his place: the His strengthened position had allowed Berlinguer and Alessandro Natta to press in his favor without exposing himself excessively. ^[6]

Shortly thereafter, Berlinguer launched heavy accusations to the PSI and clientele policy in general (the so -called moral question), in particular in an interview ^[9] to Scalfari ne the Republic of 28 July 1981. D’Alema stood on the same position and began a tough battle to prevent PSI from making Puglia a solid political and power base: the first move was hindered every local alliance between PSI and DC; For this purpose he formed a leftist junta with the socialist Rino Formica in Bari, while in many other Municipalities he attached himself with the DC. Finally, despite the internal resistance to the party, he tightened an alliance with the DC also for the region.

With this curriculum, at the 1983 congress he was elected a member of the National Directorate, together with other local managers such as Piero Fassino, Giulio Quercini and Lalla Trupia.

Post-Berlinguer period [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In 1984, although D’Alema was only a young local manager, Berlinguer brought him to the funeral of Jurij Vladimirovič Andropov, to give a strong signal of renewal and, he hypothesized then, to prepare him for succession in a congress two years later . ^[6] .
Berlinguer, however, died shortly after and Alessandro Natta, a transition solution in view of the election to secretary of one of the young people selected by Berlinguer, was succeeded, including Occhetto and D’Alema were the most in sight. Natta gave D’Alema the important assignment of the organization, while Achille Occhetto, in July 1987, was appointed deputy secretary.

In 1984 shortly after Berlinguer’s death was struck by a personal tragedy: the terrifying death of his partner Giusi del Mugnaio, a girl from Bologna just over thirty years old and who for love had left a brilliant political career: she was overwhelmed and killed From a car on the highway between Bari and Brindisi, on July 20, dying instantly.

When on April 30, 1988 Natta had a heart attack, D’Alema – who at that time was director of the unit – Italy Radio first spoke of the succession, without discussing him with him. In the meantime, Occhetto and D’Alema had pushed to change the party line, making it more aggressive towards the PSI of Bettino Craxi and more open towards a change of the political system surrendered on the majority.

He was elected deputy for the first time in 1987, in the Lecce-Brindisi-Taranto district.

Birth of the PDS [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In 1990 he concluded the experience in Capo de the unit : Occhetto needed him to follow up on the turning point of Bolognina. D’Alema, as coordinator of the secretariat, dealt with relations with the left wing of the party and was a guarantee of stability, for his being a “party of the party” who would never betray him or thrown to sea; On the contrary, Occhetto appeared to want to take advantage of the turning point to demolish part of the party tradition with which he was not at ease. ^[6] In fact in his book Feeling and reason Occhetto writes that D’Alema faced the turning point describing it as a “hard necessity”, an approach that screened with his.

D’Alema immediately became a coordinator of the secretariat of the newly party, buying an eminent position (also thanks to the control of the organizational levers) and almost shaking Occhetto, so much so that it was considered the de facto deputy secretary, so that, in April 1992, it was excluded from the direction to become a group leader in the Chamber (after being the leaders in the elections). At the same time Walter Veltroni, head of propaganda, was promoted by Occhetto to the Directorate of the unit .

End of the First Republic [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In May, in the instability exacerbated by the attack on Giovanni Falcone, D’Alema preferred with Ciriaco De Mita the candidacy for the presidency of the Republic of Oscar Luigi Scalfaro to that of Giovanni Spadolini who was advocated by Occhetto.

When the first beloved government was formed, D’Alema did not vote for trust, but a phase of dialogue and collaboration began to overcome the political and financial difficulties of the moment: after the government crisis, D’Alema was interviewed – the first former communist – from the DC newspaper The people . In that interview he credited the idea of ​​a government supported by the reformers but led by a new man: it was the profile of Romano Prodi, but for that phase he chose to form a technical government led by Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, for which they also swore of the pidiessini. However, they occurred after Parliament had denied the magistrates the authorization to proceed against Craxi; The PDS did not vote for trust but D’Alema maintained contacts of collaboration with the government.

Following the victory of the PDS to the administrative of 1993, new elections were organized in advance, which were held in 1994: they were won by Silvio Berlusconi while D’Alema was elected in college n. 11 of Puglia.

Secretary of the PDS [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

Following the electoral defeat, Achille Occhetto resigned and, in the succession opened, supported Veltroni against D’Alema. Eugenio Scalfari on the Republic He suggested choosing the secretary with a referendum, which the party management decided to keep among all the 19,000 central and local managers of the party.

Piero Fassino was responsible for promoting Veltroni’s candidacy; Scalfari wrote that if D’Alema had been elected, nothing would have changed; image experts rejected him; Giampaolo Pansa nicknamed him “iron mustache” (reference to “Baffone”, nickname attributed to Stalin), alluding to his alleged attachment to an old conception of the party and politics.

The referendum participated only 12 000 entitled, of which about 6 000 voted for Veltroni and about 5 000 for D’Alema; Since no one had achieved the majority, the decision was postponed to the National Council, made up of 480 members, who were pressed on the one hand by Fassino and on the other by Claudio Velardi (who became the most faithful collaborator of D’Alema who knew since Start of his parliamentary career), helped by a team of Dalemians, almost all former exponents of the FGCI. ^[6]

On 1 July 1994 D’Alema was elected national secretary with 249 votes against 173: according to the person concerned, this happened because the party wanted a change compared to Occhetto’s policy, to which Veltroni was too close. ^[6]

As secretary of the PDS D’Alema, he approaches the popular, contributing to the birth of L’Ulivo, pursuing, unlike Occhetto, a policy of alliance with the Catholic Center-Administration forces, and accepting that Premier candidate there was Former president of IRI Romano Prodi, a more reassuring figure for the moderate electorate, although the PDS was clearly the predominant component, from an electoral point of view, inside the olive tree.

The olive tree in government [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

On April 21, 1996, following a new electoral round that saw the coalition of L’Ulivo prevail over the center-right, reconfirmed its seat. Under his guide, in 1996, the PDS became the first national party (21.1%), first and only for a left -wing party in political elections (the PCI was but in the European elections of 1984).

On February 5, 1997 D’Alema was elected president of the Bicameral Parliamentary Commission for institutional reforms, after convinced the then leader of the opposition Silvio Berlusconi to support his candidacy. On October 9, 1997, after which the Communist Refoundation took off the support for the government, Prodi temporarily resigned. D’Alema would have been oriented towards early elections, taking advantage of the difficulty of the pole and the same refoundation. But Prodi managed to find a compromise with Fausto Bertinotti and the crisis returned.

In 1998 D’Alema led the PDS to the ” General states of the left “, To unify the PDS with other forces of the Italian left and create a single political entity ^{[ten] [11]} . In this way, the party opens up to the contributions of other reformist cultures, giving itself a change in a modern key, eliminating the references to a communism deteriorated by age, in fact it decides to “kill”, that is, remove the banner from the symbol bearing the sickle and the Martello and in its place the rose is inserted, a banner of European socialism, and proposing itself as effective social democratic strength. The renewed political subject took the name of Left Democrats (DS), to which he adheres beyond the PDS, the Labor Federation, the movement of the unitary communists, the social Christian, the Republican left, that is, many exponents of socialist, republican, Christian extraction extraction -Social and Environmentalist: on February 13, the constitutive congress of the DS is celebrated, which presents itself as a party leader of the left and Italian center-left. ^[twelfth]

On 9 October the Prodi government falls, following a crisis caused by the Communist Refoundation, which also suffered the split of the party of Italian Communists, contrary to the government crisis. For the formation of a new government with majority of the center-left, some centrist parliamentarians, led by Clemente Mastella and inspired by Cossiga, showed themselves available to vote on trust, as long as the Prime Minister was not Prodi; Many saw in this request a clear indication of D’Alema as a new head of government ^[13] . Scalfaro then commissioned D’Alema to form a new government as Prime Minister.

President of the Council of Ministers [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

First government [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

The first government chaired by Massimo D’Alema remained in office from 21 October 1998 to 22 December 1999.

D’Alema was the first exponent of the former PCI to take on the office of Prime Minister. He supported the abolition of mandatory military service and the intervention born in the Kosovo war, thus attracting the criticisms of the pacifist wing of his coalition. After the Gulf War, it was the second Italian post -war Italian bombing, launched by military bases born on the national territory and with the participation of means of the Italian Air Force. ^[14]

In October 1999, a piloted government crisis was announced in order to let the Democrats enter, but two months passed so that it would arrive at D’Alema bis.

Second government [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

The second government chaired by Massimo D’Alema swears to the Quirinale on 22 December 1999 in front of the head of state Carlo Azeglio Ciampi. This executive is remembered to be as one of the shortest. Following the defeat of the regional elections 2000, on April 26, 2000 he resigned ^{[15] [16]} as “act of political sensitivity, certainly not for institutional duty” ^[17] . In particular, D’Alema received the worst disappointment from the victory in Lazio by Francesco Storace, the exponent of the National Alliance and candidate of the House of Freedoms. He succeeded him in the office of Prime Minister Giuliano Amato, who held the position of Minister of the Treasury in his government. ^[18]

During the D’Alema II government, the discussion reform of Title V of the Constitution, the law on the parishness that regulated access to the information means of political forces, is approved. This is the only attempt during the second republic to limit, from a legislative point of view, the predominance in the world of information by Silvio Berlusconi.

European opposition and parliament [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In 2001 D’Alema is a candidate in the college of Gallipoli, but not in the proportional fee, in controversy with her party ^[19] . He is elected to the Chamber of Deputies with 51.49% of the consents ^[20] And he enrolled in the Left Democratic Group – The olive tree. After the election to the 2004 European Parliament, D’Alema on July 19, 2004 will resign as an Italian deputy.

In the opposition to the second and third Berlusconi government, from June 2004 to May 2006 he was a member of the European Parliament for the United List in the Oliveness in the South District, elected with 832 000 votes. He was enrolled in the parliamentary group of the European Socialist Party.

Minister of Foreign Affairs [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In the 2006 political elections, won by the center-left coalition, the Union, D’Alema is elected deputy, thus renouncing the office of European parliamentarian. He was proposed informally by the Union as president of the Chamber of Deputies, but D’Alema himself then renounced this assignment to avoid possible divisions within the coalition and thus facilitating the proposal and subsequent election of Fausto Bertinotti .

In May 2006, at the expiry of the seven-year of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi and after the renunciation of the latter to a possible new kingharical, he was proposed for a few days informally by the center-left as President of the Republic. Given the division that his name caused in the political world, the Union, after a new renunciation of D’Alema, preferred to agree for the Quirinale on the name of another exponent of the DS, Giorgio Napolitano, elected President of the Republic on 10 May 2006.

On 17 May 2006 he became vice -president of the Council of Ministers together with Francesco Rutelli and Minister of Foreign Affairs in the second Prodi government. During his mandate there was a policy of coldness towards the Bush administration, for example, he remembers the refusal of the strengthening of troops in the war in Iraq, ^[21] , the presence of Italy in the peace mission during the Lebanon war ^[22] , and later the commitment to the promotion of a moratorium presented at the UN ^[23] on the abolition of the death penalty in the world.

On February 21, 2007 he was called in the Senate to report on the government’s foreign policy guidelines, after having publicly declared that if the majority had not been reached on the motion, the government would have had to resign. The outcome of the vote followed to his report (158 favorable, 136 against and 24 abstentions) saw the government beaten (not having been reached the quorum of favorable votes necessary, equal to 160 votes), which is why the President of the Roman Council Prodi resigned. Renewed confidence in the government, D’Alema has started to hold the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs until the fall of the Prodi government on January 24, 2008.

As a foreign minister, on 18 December 2007, he achieved an important success as a promoter of a moratorium on the death penalty approved for the first time in history by the UN (104 votes in favor, 54 against and 29 abstentions) after countless attempts gone to empty for the failure to achieve the quorum.

Other offices [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

Is a member of the Conference of Delegation Presidents; of the Commission for International Trade; of the Commission for Fishing; of the Foreign Affairs Commission; subcommittee for security and defense; of the permanent delegation for relations with Mercosur; of the delegation for relations with the countries of the Maghreb and the Union of the Arab Maghreb (including Libya).

In December 2000 he was elected President of the Left Democrats (DS); He kept the office until April 2007.

In October 2003, during the 22nd Congress of the Socialist International, held in St. Paul of Brazil, he was elected among the vice -presidents of the same. At the following 23rd congress organized in 2008 in Città del Capo was reconfirmed to the office for another mandate.

In 2006 he received the title of Knight of the Grand Cross of the Piano Order ^[24] .

Democratic party [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In 2007 he was one of the 45 members of the National Committee for the Democratic Party which brought together the leaders of the members of the Democratic Party before the start of its constituent phase.

He is currently president of the Italian European culture Foundation and the founder of the Red political movement, the acronym of reformists and democrats, who aroused many criticism from the exponents of the same Democratic Party highlighting the possibility that this initiative could cause problems to the same ^[25] . D’Alema, considered a critical soul towards the secretariat directed by Walter Veltroni, however denied any hypothesis of the birth of currents, declaring themselves against them.

On January 26, 2010, following the resignation of Francesco Rutelli, he was unanimously elected president of Copasir, remaining in office until the end of the legislature. ^[2]

In view of the political elections in Italy in 2013, it does not re -apply to Parliament.

At the expiry of Giorgio Napolitano’s mandate in 2013, his name circulates among candidates as a convergence between the Democratic Party, the people of freedom and civic choice as President of the Italian Republic. His name was in a rose of names presented by the secretary Pd Pier Luigi Bersani from which the President Pdl Silvio Berlusconi had then restricted a triad in which in addition to D’Alema the names of Giuliano Amato and Franco Marini appeared, which will then be chosen, For a large understood in the first ballot with the highest quorum.

The opposition to Renzi and splitting [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

With the victory of the mayor of Florence Matteo Renzi in the primary of the Democratic Party in 2013, D’Alema ends up in the minority together with Pippo Civati, Roberto Speranza, Pier Luigi Bersani and the old guard.

In 2016 he returned to active policy on the occasion of the constitutional referendum on the Renzi-Boschi reform, promoting, together with the minority of the Democratic Party, the campaign for the “no” in opposition to Renzi (who became Prime Minister in 2014).

On February 25, 2017, together with other party companions – including Enrico Rossi, Vasco Errani, Guglielmo Epifani, Bersani and Speranza – he leaves the Democratic Party forming the new article one party – democratic and progressive movement.

In the political elections of 4 March 2018 he is nominated for the Senate of the Republic for Liberi e Uguali, in the Maggioreitario di Nardò college, but is defeated, in fact, reaching fourth behind the candidate of the 5 Star Movement Barbara Lezzi, to the gonos of the center-right Luciano Cariddi and to the candidate of the center-left Teresa Bellanova.

D’Alema is one of the few politicians of the center -left to have collected certificates of esteem and support also by many who, in the country, are recognized in the political ideals of the center -right, including Silvio Berlusconi; However, there is no lack of very critical opinions that believe that this estimate has been conquered thanks to the tendency to appeasement with the counterparty, and how this has led to somewhat poor results on the political level ^{[26] [27] [28] [29]} .

Tangentopoli [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In the first months of 1993, when the investigation of clean hands began to deal with the so-called “red bribes” at the PCI-Pds, D’Alema has contemptuously defined the pool “the Soviet of Milan”. ^[30]

On March 5, 1993, the government of Giuliano Amato approved the Conso decree, with which Parliament was looking for a “political solution” to Tangentopoli. The decree was contested by most of the population, was not signed by President Scalfaro and was criticized by the PDS. This episode was the cause of friction between D’Alema and Amato: the Prime Minister accused the PDS of having held ambiguous behavior. ^{[thirty first]}

Illegal financing for parties [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

According to an investigation by Maurizio Tortorella in the weekly Panorama , in 1985 Massimo D’Alema, then Regional Secretary of the PCI in Puglia would have received a contribution of 20 million lire for the party by Francesco Cavallari, entrepreneur from Bari, “king” of the nursing homes gathered ^{[32] [33] [34]} . The episode would have been admitted by D’Alema in the procedural site, and, always according to what is reported by Panorama The Russian judge in the case storage of the case would have added the following considerations: “One of the episodes of financial offense, namely the payment of a contribution of 20 million in favor of the PCI, found substantial confirmation, despite the diversity of some marginal elements , in the loyal declaration of the honorable D’Alema (…) ” ^[35] . The investigation also underlines that at the time the story had not found space in the press ^[36] . The crime was already prescribed at the beginning of the investigation. ^{[33] [37]}

The use of violence [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

On July 21, 1995 in Montecchio Emilia, during the feast of the satirical newspaper on the left heart, Massimo D’Alema said: “I was part of the movement of ’68, I pulled Bombi Molotov in Pisa, when I was a student at the normal .. “.” ^[38]

Tart pact [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

The “tart pact” is an expression coined in September 1997 by Francesco Cossiga ^[39] To indicate the informal agreement on the constitutional reforms signed between D’Alema, Franco Marini, Silvio Berlusconi and Gianfranco Fini during a dinner held in the night between 17 and 18 June in the house of Gianni Letta in via della Camilluccia in Rome ^[40] . The tart in question is the dessert that was traditionally prepared for guests by the wife of Letta, Maddalena ^[41] .

On that occasion, D’Alema would have committed not to make a law on the regulation of television frequencies go through ^{[ without source ]} : To this end, the then president of the eighth permanent commission of the Senate, Claudio Petruccioli, would have lent itself, not calendarizing the examination of the articles of the bill no. 1138 for the whole of the XIII legislature ^{[ without source ]} . In fact, this law would have forced the Mediaset group to sell one of its networks (in this case it would probably have chosen the least important, network 4). Furthermore, at that time, Mediaset was about to be listed on the stock exchange, and a law of that caliber would have reduced the value of the company. The possible price that the other contractor (Silvio Berlusconi) would have promised as an exchange commodity, is not known. D’Alema boiled as “inciuci” (ie gossip without foundation) such statements. Due to the scarce knowledge of the southern dialects by the interviewer, at the end a distorted meaning was attributed (i.e., sub -equipment), which is then the one for which today is more frequently used ^[42] .

Suspicion of competition in manufacturing in the climb to the BNL [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

For D’Alema, the competition in use was hypothesized by the investigating magistrate Clementina Forleo ^[43] As part of the climb to the National Labor Bank (BNL) organized by the Unipol of Giovanni Consorte. The judge Forleo requested in 2007 to the Italian Parliament the possibility of using the transcriptions of telephone interceptions ^[44] which involved D’Alema, Consort and Piero Fassino in the procedure against the climbers, a procedure that, however, does not see D’Alema among the suspects.

According to the European Parliament – called by the Italian Parliament to pronounce on the subject, as D’Alema was European parliamentarian at the time of the facts – the texts of the calls between D’Alema and Consorte ^[44] They cannot be used as they already exist in the documents sufficient elements of proof to support the accusation against the authors of the climb, which are already postponed to trial. ^[45] .

The Roman apartment [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In 1995 D’Alema was involved in the so -called Rent , a media campaign promoted by The newspaper According to which public bodies leased to Vip apartments in fair canon. After a harsh media campaign D’Alema decided to leave the apartment to buy a house in Rome, but only after introducing himself to the broadcast of Rai 3 conducted by Michele Santoro, entitled Samarkand , in which he justified the incident, stating that he had needed a house belonging to public bodies because he paid half of his salary as a parliamentarian to the party (at the time consisting of about 12 million lire per month). ^[6] The property in question was an apartment of 146 m² in the Porta Portese area, for which he paid a fair fee of 1,060,000 lire ^{[forty six]} (which re -evaluated according to Istat inflation in 2010 correspond to about 780 euros).

On May 4, 2010, during a 2010 episode of the Talk Show Ballarò dedicated to the events that had led to the resignation by Minister of Claudio Scajola, Alessandro Sallusti (co -director of The newspaper ) returned to this case by defining D’Alema “the protagonist of the greatest Italian” caste “scandal, which was” rent “”, arousing the reaction of D’Alema who, initially, replied vigorously: “The combination is of All improper », and following the subsequent and insistent combinations between the two events made by Sallusti (« You were a privileged one: “rent” were ^{[ not clear ]} About twenty politicians, almost all left-wing … from an ethical-moral point of view she took advantage of her position “), he replied:” Go get fucked: she is a liar and a mascalzone “and then” I understand They pay it to come here to be a government defender […] I understand that he has to earn bread, but this way is shameful, but I don’t make it talk to it anymore ». According to Roberto Natale, president of the National Federation of the Italian press, those of D’Alema were insulting expressions that no affirmation or provocation could justify. ^[47] For the phrases addressed to Sallusti, the Council of the Order of Journalists of Lazio opened a disciplinary procedure against Massimo D’Alema, as a journalist registered in the register. ^[48]

Sale of wine and books to the Cpl Concordia cooperative [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In March 2015, in the investigation into the case of bribes in Ischia, it emerged that CPL Concordia had purchased 500 copies of D’Alema’s book over 4 years Not only euros And about 2,000 bottles of wine from a cellar related to him. The examination of the CPL Concordia cards emerged that the cooperative had also made some donations for a few thousand euros to the European Italian Foundation https://www.italianieuropei.it/ by the CPL Concordia cooperative, without any relative news of the crime against the Foundation. ^[49]

Sale and re -enter the boat owned under the British flag [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In June 2018 D’Alema was recognized and photographed on a cruise in the La Maddalena archipelago with her historic Ikarus sailboat which, however, now, under the new name of “Giulia G” (the name of D’Alema’s daughter) , beats British flag and is registered in London. Several journalistic investigations suggest that the re -registration operation under foreign flag was made for tax convenience. The choice, by a character who held the highest institutional and political positions of the Republic, is a source of scandal. ^[50]

Cause against the espresso for the investigation into the contracts of the Tav of Florence [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In October 2013 for an investigation into the weekly L’Espresso di Lirio Abbate concerning the judicial one on the contracts of the Tav of Florence; ^[51] Lirio Abbate associated the names of some suspects (many of which acquitted by the judge of the preliminary hearing and then by the Cassation ^[52] , D’Alema intended a cause of compensation for defamation. At the beginning of October 2018, the Court did not consider the article by Lirio Abbate defamatory as it reported terms used by the investigators in the investigation, which counted the president of Italferr among the knowledge of Massimo D’Alema. He was then sentenced to pay the procedural costs “. ^[53]

Sale of weapons to Colombia [ change | Modifica Wikitesto ]

In March 2022 he was involved, with ample echo in the press ^{[54] [55]} , in an international story of sale of weapons to Colombia by some Italian companies such as Leonardo and Fincantieri. As part of this negotiation D’Alema would have played a mediator role. In this regard, the Public Prosecutor of Naples has opened an investigation, where the former Prime Minister is not investigated. ^[56]

Passionate about Sailing D’Alema was the owner of a first sailing boat, the Margherita . Subsequently, in 1997, he purchased Roberto De Santis with Lecce and Roman Vincenzo Morichini, the Ikarus , a second hand Baltic ^{[57] [58]} .

Later – with the proceeds of the sale of the same integrated by the sale of a house in the meantime inherited from the father and by a leasing – has purchased, in co -ownership, a new sailboat, the IKARUS II , 18 meters long, that half of the budget price was paid: the “polar star” construction sites of Fiumicino would have given him as advertising promotion but he still wanted to pay for half of them ^[59] .

Regarding the passion for sailing, D’Alema said “The boat is a passion that involves me a lot. It is a form of relationship with the sea and with nature. It is not true that this passion can afford only rich people ” ^[60] .

• The crisis of the country and the role of youth. Central Committee of the FGCI 26-27 January 1976. Report of Comrade Massimo D’Alema , s.l., 1976.
• Political training in a modern reformer party , edited by and with Franco Ottaviano, Rome, Togliatti Institute, 1988.
• The party in metropolitan areas , edited by and with Sandro Morelli, Rome, Togliatti Institute, 1988.
• Dialogue on Berlinguer , with Paul Ginsborg, Florence, Giunti, 1994. ISBN 88-09-20545-6.
• A normal country. The left and the future of Italy , with Claudio Velardi and Gianni Cuperlo, Milan, Mondadori, 1995. ISBN 88-04-40847-2.
• Design the future , edited by Gianni Cuperlo and Claudio Velardi, Milan, Bompiani passages, 1996. ISBN 88-452-2883-5.
• The left in changes that changes , Milan, Feltrinelli, 1997. ISBN 88-07-47013-6.
• The great opportunity. Italy towards reforms , Milan, Mondadori, 1997. ISBN 88-04-42161-4.
• Visible words , edited by Enrico Ghezzi, Milan, Bompiani, 1998. ISBN 88-452-3777-X.
• Kosovo. Italians and the war , interview with Federico Rampini, Milan, Mondadori, 1999. ISBN 88-04-47302-9.
• Beyond fear. The left, the future, Europe , Milan, Mondadori, 2002. ISBN 88-04-51206-7.
• Politics at the time of globalization , San Cesario di Lecce, Manni, 2003, ISBN 88-8176-391-5.
• In Moscow, the last time. Enrico Berlinguer and 1984 , Rome, Donzelli, 2004. ISBN 88-7989-905-8.
• The new world. Reflections for the Democratic Party , Roma, Italianieuropei, 2009. ISBN 978-88-89988-23-7.
• Countercurrent. Interview on the left at the time of anti -politics , edited by Peppino Caldarola, Rome-Bari, Laterza, 2013. ISBN 978-88-420-9612-2.
• Not only euros. Democracy, work, equality. A new frontier for Europe , Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino, 2014. ISBN 978-88-498-6.

• Giovanni Fasanella, with Daniele Martini, D’Alema. The first biography of the secretary of the PDS , Milan, Longanesi, 1995. ISBN 88-304-1309-7; Milan, Tea, 1996. ISBN 88-7818-046-7
• Alberto Rapisarda, Massimo D’Alema , Rome, Viviani, 1996. ISBN 88-8089-720-9
• Giovanni Fasanella, D’Alema. The former communist loved by the White House , Milan, Baldini & Castoldi, 1999. ISBN 88-8089-720-9
• Peter Gomez, with Marco Travaglio, Inciucio , Milano, Bur, 2005. ISBN 88-17-01020-0
• Alessandra Sardoni, The leader’s ghost. D’Alema and the other missed leaders of the center -left , Venice, Marsilio, 2009. ISBN 978-88-317-9730-6
• Giuseppe Salvaggiulo, The worst. Ascenda and fall of Massimo D’Alema and the Italian Left , Chiarelettere, 2013.

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