[{"@context":"http:\/\/schema.org\/","@type":"BlogPosting","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/ruki-sound-law-wikipedia\/#BlogPosting","mainEntityOfPage":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/ruki-sound-law-wikipedia\/","headline":"Ruki sound law – Wikipedia","name":"Ruki sound law – Wikipedia","description":"Historical sound change in the satem branches of the Indo-European language family The ruki sound law, also known as the","datePublished":"2016-12-22","dateModified":"2016-12-22","author":{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/author\/lordneo\/#Person","name":"lordneo","url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/author\/lordneo\/","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/c9645c498c9701c88b89b8537773dd7c?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/c9645c498c9701c88b89b8537773dd7c?s=96&d=mm&r=g","height":96,"width":96}},"publisher":{"@type":"Organization","name":"Enzyklop\u00e4die","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/wiki4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/08\/download.jpg","url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/wiki4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/08\/download.jpg","width":600,"height":60}},"image":{"@type":"ImageObject","@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/wiki4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/08\/download.jpg","url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/wiki4\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/08\/download.jpg","width":100,"height":100},"url":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/ruki-sound-law-wikipedia\/","wordCount":3365,"articleBody":"Historical sound change in the satem branches of the Indo-European language familyThe ruki sound law, also known as the ruki rule or iurk rule, is a historical sound change that took place in the satem branches of the Indo-European language family, namely in Balto-Slavic, Armenian,[1] and Indo-Iranian. According to this sound law, an original *s changed to *\u0161 (a sound similar to English “sh”) after the consonants *r, *k, *g, *g\u02b0 and the semi-vowels *w (*u\u032f) and *y (*i\u032f), as well as the syllabic allophones *r\u0325, *i, and *u:*s > *\u0161 \/ {*r, *w, *K, *y} _Specifically, the initial stage involves the retraction of the coronal sibilant *s after semi-vowels, *r, or a velar consonant *k, *g or *g\u02b0. In the second stage, leveling of the sibilant system resulted in retroflexion (cf. Sanskrit \u0937 [\u0282] and Proto-Slavic), and later retraction to velar *x in Slavic and some Middle Indic languages. This rule was first formulated by Holger Pedersen, and it is sometimes known as Pedersen’s law, although this term is also applied to another sound law concerning stress in the Balto-Slavic languages.The name “ruki” comes from the sounds (r, u, K, i) which triggered the sound change. The law is stated as a mnemonic rule because the word \u0440\u0443\u043a\u0438 means ‘hands, arms’ in Russian, or is the genitive singular form (‘of the hand’) of \u0440\u0443\u043a\u0430 (compare rule of thumb).Table of ContentsApplications to language groups[edit]Exceptions in Slavic languages[edit]Exceptions in Indo-Iranian languages[edit]Nuristani[edit]Albanian[edit]Further reading[edit]Applications to language groups[edit]The rule was originally formulated for Sanskrit. It was later proposed to be valid in some degree for all satem languages, and exceptionless for the Indo-Iranian languages. (There appears to be one exception at least in some Nuristani languages, however.) In Baltic and Albanian, it is limited or affected to a greater or lesser extent by other sound laws. Nevertheless, it has to have been universal in these branches of the IE languages, and the lack of Slavic reflexes before consonants is due rather to their merger with the reflexes of other sibilants.Exceptions in Slavic languages[edit]In Slavic languages the process is regular before a vowel, but it does not take place before consonants. The final result is the voiceless velar fricative *x, which is even more retracted than the *\u0161. This velar fricative changed back into *\u0161 before a front vowel or the palatal approximant *y.Exceptions in Indo-Iranian languages[edit]In Indo-Iranian *r and *l merged, and the change worked even after the new sound; e.g. Avestan kar\u0161-, Sanskrit \u0915\u0930\u094d\u0937\u0924\u093f k\u00e1r\u1e63ati ‘to plough’ < PIE *k\u02b7els-.[2][3] This has been cited as evidence by many scholars[who?] as an argument for the later influence of Iranian languages on Proto-Slavic. There are obvious drawbacks in the theory. First, the two sounds must have been very close (r\/l), so that both could have triggered the change in Indo-Iranian. Second, there are no real examples of this change working in Slavic, and it is also doubtful that only this change (ruki) and no other such change of sibilants (e.g. *s > h) was borrowed into Slavic.The syllabic laryngeal *H\u0325 becomes *i in Proto-Indo-Iranian, and this also triggered RUKI.[4][3]A later extension of RUKI was particular to the Iranian languages: *s, *z shift to *\u0161, *\u017e also after the labial stops *p, *b, including even secondary *s from Proto-Indo-Iranian *\u0107 < PIE *\u1e31.[2][5]Nuristani[edit]The Ruki rule also displays a rather different behavior in Nuristani, conditioned by the following factors:[6][7]The reflex of the Proto-Indo-European sequence *\u1e31s is Nuristani *c (pronounced [t\u0361s]), the same as that of plain *\u1e31, thus in this context there is no evidence of the operation of RUKI. E.g. the word for ‘bear’, reflecting Proto-Indo-European *h\u2082\u0155\u0325tk\u0302os (Sanskrit rk\u1e63a “bear”, Avestan ar\u0161a) shows a dental affricate in most Nuristani languages as ic or oc.Proto-Indo-European sequences *ks and *k\u02b7s become Nuristani *\u010d. Thus Proto-Indo-European *ksu-r\u00f3 “razor” reflects as k\u1e63ur\u00e1 in Sanskrit, and churi (“sickle”) in Kati, and \u010d\u016br (“large knife”) in Waigali.Various cases where the Ruki law failed to operate after *i and *u in Nuristani exist. Heged\u0171s notes that these all seem to trace back to PIE etyma where the *us and *is sequences were earlier *uHs and *iHS, meaning the laryngeals seem to have blocked the operation of Ruki. For example, PIE *muHs “mouse” > Sanskrit m\u016b\u1e63-, Avestan m\u016b\u0161, but Kati muss\u0101, Prasun m\u01d6su, while the Waigali word is of dubious etymology, and the Ashkun form shows a variation in articulation due to secondary phenomena.Proto-Indo-European *rs and *ls merge into a Nuristani *\u1e63, thus after *r we do actually see proper Ruki-like behavior in Nuristani.Albanian[edit]According to Orel (2000: 62),[8] Albanian shows a limited RUKI-like development, where *s becomes sh only after PIE *y, *w (including their vocalic counterparts *i, *u). E.g.lesh ‘wool, fleece, hair’ < *laysa, cf. Slavic *list\u044a ‘leaf’ < *leys-to-dash ‘ram’ < *dawsa, cf. Germanic *deuz\u0105 < *d\u02b0ews-ompish\u00eb ‘pine’ < *pis\u0101, cf. Latin p\u012bnus ‘pine’ < *pi(t)snosprush ’ember’ < *prusa, cf. Latin pr\u016bna ’ember’ < *prusn\u0101; Sanskrit plo\u1e63ati ‘to burn’ < *prews-This differs from the development of *rs, *ks, and of *s after other vowels, e.g.djerr ‘fallow land’ < *dersa, cf. Greek \u03c7\u03ad\u03c1\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2 ‘dry land’ < *\u01f5\u02b0ers-hirr\u00eb ‘whey’ < *ksir\u0101, cf. Sanskrit \u0915\u094d\u0937\u0940\u0930 \/ k\u1e63\u012br\u00e1 ‘milk’koh\u00eb ‘time’ < *k\u0101s\u0101, cf. Slavic *\u010das\u044a ‘time’ < *k\u02b7eh\u2081s-eh\u2082However, this view of Albanian is controversial. Firstly, the words in question that Orel bases this theory on have shaky etymologies. Dash has a disputed etymology, with rival versions attributing the word not to Proto-Indo-European *d\u02b0ews-om but instead *d\u02b0eh\u2081-l-[9], or *demh\u2082 from *dmh\u2082 “to tame”.[10]Pish\u00eb meanwhile is argued to not be inherited from Proto-Indo-European at all; rather it and its soundalikes in Greek and Latin are in fact substrate vocabulary.[11]Lesh is alternatively attributed instead to *h\u2082welh\u2081- “wool”, making it cognate to Latin vellus.[12]Meanwhile, no RUKI-like rule is included in other studies of Proto-Albanian diachrony. Michiel de Vaan (2015) instead has a Proto-Albanian *\u0283 emerging from different means, which barely resemble a RUKI law: Indo-European *ks shares the fate of simple *s in becoming *\u0283 before *t (as occurred for jasht\u00eb “outside” and gjasht\u00eb “six”, but not other cases with *ks where *t did not follow), with *t as the conditioning factor, rather than the prior *k.[13] Meanwhile, the development of *s itself is highly disputed,[14] but in contrast to Orel’s view that it was conditioned on a RUKI-like phenomenon, De Vaan[13] prefers Kortlandt’s[15] view that *s became *\u0283 when either followed by an unstressed vowel or intervocalically, regardless of the quality of nearby vowels.^ Mayer, Harvey E. (1980), “Baltic Membership in the West Satem Group”, Journal of Baltic Studies, 11 (4): 356\u2013366, doi:10.1080\/01629778000000351^ a b Skj\u00e6rv\u00f8, Prods Oktor (2009). “Old Iranian”. The Iranian Languages. Routledge. p.\u00a049.^ a b Lubotsky, Alexander (2018). “The phonology of Proto-Indo-Iranian”. Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. de Gruyter. p.\u00a01881.^ F. B. J. Kuiper. 1976. “Old East Iranian dialects.” Indo-Iranian Journal 18, p. 242.^ Cantera, Alberto (2018). “The phonology of Iranian”. Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. de Gruyter. p.\u00a025.^ Heged\u0171s, Ir\u00e9n. “The RUKI-rule in Nuristani.” The sound of Indo-European: phonetics, phonemics and morphophonemics (Copenhagen studies in Indo-European vol. 4) (2012): 145-168.^ Smith, Caley (2017). “The dialectology of Indic”. 30. The dialectology of Indic. Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. de Gruyter. pp.\u00a0417\u2013447. doi:10.1515\/9783110261288-030. ISBN\u00a09783110261288.^ Orel, Vladimir (2000), A Concise Historical Grammar of Proto-Albanian, Brill^ Aleksandar Loma, Albano-Caucasica Pastoralia, 2006^ Demiraj, Bardhyl. (1997). Albanische Etymologien. Amsterdam – Atlanta: Rodopi, 1997. Pp 124-5^ Beekes R. 2010. Etymological dictionary of Greek. [Leiden Indo-European etymological dic-tionary series 10]. Leiden, Boston. Pages 1198-1199.^ Demiraj, Bardhyl (1997). Albanische Etymologien. Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi. Page 238.^ a b De Vaan, Michiel (2015). “95. The Phonology of Albanian”. In Klein, Jared; Joseph, Brian; Fritz, Matthew (eds.). Handbook of Comparative and Historical Indo-European Linguistics. De Gruyter Mouton. pp.\u00a01745\u20131746.^ Historische Phonologie. In: Stefan Schumacher and Joachim Matzinger. Die Verben desAltalbanischen. Belegw\u00f6rterbuch, Vorgeschichte und Etymologie. Wiesbaden: Harrasso-witz, 205\u2212276. Pages 258-265^ Kortlandt, Frederik (1987). Reflexes of Indo-European consonants in Albanian. Orpheus 8 (Georgiev Memorial Volume): 35\u221237.Further reading[edit]"},{"@context":"http:\/\/schema.org\/","@type":"BreadcrumbList","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"item":{"@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/#breadcrumbitem","name":"Enzyklop\u00e4die"}},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"item":{"@id":"https:\/\/wiki.edu.vn\/en\/wiki24\/ruki-sound-law-wikipedia\/#breadcrumbitem","name":"Ruki sound law – Wikipedia"}}]}]